FHE  MEXICAN  M1N 


•      . 


WALLACE  THOMPSON 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 


altmnprutrt 

THE  PEOPLE  OF  MEXICO 
TRADING  WITH  MEXICO 
THE  MEXICAN  MIND 


THE 
MEXICAN    MIND 

A  Study  of  National  Psychology 

By 
WALLACE  THOMPSON 


BOSTON 
LITTLE,    BROWN,   AND    COMPANY 

1922 


Copyright,  1922, 
BY  WALLACE  THOMPSON. 

All  rights  reserved 
Published  March,  1922 


PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 


7  7  *9  • 

Bancroft  Library 
NOv    9    1^2 


To 

My  Mother 
F4NNIE  GEIGER  THOMPSON 

Who  made  the  living  of  life,  the  loving  of  my  fellow-man, 

and  the  understanding  of  both,  the  polestar 

of  my  growing  years 


PREFACE 

TO  its  observation  of  Mexico  the  world  has 
brought  almost  every  element  of  illumination 
save  one, — and  that  the  most  essential  of  all.  It 
has  neglected  the  universal  touchstone  of  under- 
standing, older  than  Solomon;  the  dictum  that 
"For  as  he  thinketh  in  his  heart,  so  is  he."  Neither 
in  our  writings  upon  Mexico  nor  in  our  practical 
dealings  with  the  Mexicans,  have  we  sought  out 
the  fountainhead  of  all  their  action  and  of  all  their 
failure, — the  Mexican  mind  itself.  Here,  first  and 
last,  has  been  our  basic  error  of  approach,  the  wreck 
of  all  our  desires  to  help  or  to  use  the  Mexicans. 

The  book  which  is  offered  here  seeks  to  remedy, 
in  part,  this  error  of  the  past  and  to  give  a  ground 
which  may  help  to  obviate  its  repetition  in  the 
future.  Here  is  a  humble  beginning  of  a  study  to 
which  many  minds  and  many  years  should  be 
devoted, — the  clarifying  of  the  mutual  understand- 
ing of  the  Latin  and  the  Saxon  peoples  of  the  West- 
ern Hemisphere  by  a  frank  comparison  of  the  work- 
ings of  their  minds. 

Of  all  those  who  have  written  of  Mexico,  or 
indeed  of  any  part  of  Latin  America,  not  one  has 
taken  up  the  vital  problem  of  psychology  in  any 

ix 


PREFACE 

but  the  most  incidental  way.  Thus  this  book  is 
based  upon  no  source  material;  it  has  no  " authori- 
ties"— save  the  standard  works  on  general  psy- 
chology and  the  stories  and  illustrations,  which 
have  been  taken  wherever  they  could  be  found. 

Only  my  own  previous  book,  "The  People  of 
Mexico,"  1  may  perhaps  be  regarded  as  the  source 
book  of  the  present  volume.  However,  although 
"The  Mexican  Mind"  is  in  a  way  the  third  of  a 
trilogy  of  studies  (the  first  two  being  comprised  in 
the  two  sections  of  "The  People  of  Mexico,  Who 
They  Are  and  How  They  Live"),  it  is  no  more 
closely  related  to  my  previous  Mexican  book  than 
it  would  be  to  a  similar  work  by  some  other  author, 
— if  such  a  book  existed.  There,  as  here,  I  sailed 
forth  on  uncharted  seas;  and  here,  as  there,  I  hope 
only  that  such  light  as  I  have  been  able  to  throw 
upon  the  course  will  serve  to  guide  those  whose 
sailing  must  ultimately  be  the  hope  of  Mexico. 

The  generous  welcome  which  the  critics  and  the 
public  accorded  "The  People  of  Mexico"  brought 
forth  but  one  serious  criticism,  and  that  was  of 
failure  to  delineate  a  solution  for  the  difficulties 
which  were  described.  And  yet  there  has  always 
been  but  one  solution, — the  education  of  the  Mexi- 
can mass.  All  else  is  but  subterfuge  and  momen- 
tary relief.  The  details  of  that  educational  solution 
which  I  have  now  set  forth  in  this  book  required, 
for  their  understanding,  an  exposition  of  Mexican 
character.  Here,  then,  is  that  exposition,  and  with 


1  "The  People  of  Mexico,"  Harper  &  Brothers,  New  York,  1921. 

x 


PREFACE 

it  my  suggestions  of  the  fundamental  bases  upon 
which  Mexican  education  must  be  founded.  I  hope 
and  pray  that  in  some  way  and  some  time,  ere 
many  years  have  passed,  they,  or  a  development 
of  them,  will  be  applied.  I  can  see  no  other  hope 
for  a  country  which  I  have  long  loved  and  to  whose 
service  all  my  Mexican  books  have  been  dedicated. 

I  can,  as  I  say,  credit  no  source  material  for  what 
has  been  written  on  these  pages.  But  much  aid 
has  come  to  me,  in  consultation  with  many  friends 
who  know  Mexico  well,  in  the  suggestions  of  unex- 
plained incidents  in  many  travel  books  and  in  such 
reports  as  have  come  to  my  hands. 

Of  the  many  others  directly  and  indirectly  con- 
tributing to  the  book,  I  want  to  speak  first  of  my 
old  master,  Doctor  Daniel  Moses  Fisk,  Professor  of 
Sociology  in  Washburn  College,  whose  teachings 
these  many  years  ago  laid  the  foundations  for  both 
of  these  efforts  of  mine.  Truly,  if  ever  man  were 
the  grandfather  of  books,  he  bears  that  designation 
here. 

A  word  of  tribute  must  go  to  all  those  Mexican 
friends  whose  grave  and  delightful  minds  have 
added  so  much  of  inspiration  (and  a  word  of  regret 
when  I  re-read  what  I  have  had  of  necessity  to  say 
of  their  people) ;  and  of  these  friends,  especially  to 
one,  Doctor  Toribio  Esquivel  Obregon,  a  gentleman 
of  the  most  courtly  school,  and  a  student  of  inviting 
learning. 

Of  personal  appreciation  there  is  one  word:  to 
my  wife,  Marian  Gilhooly  Thompson,  who  to  all 
my  books  on  Mexico  has  brought  not  only  the 

xi 


PREFACE 

wealth  of  her  own  observations  of  the  Mexicans  and 
of  the  other  peoples  of  Latin  America,  but  also  the 
intuition  and  understanding  which  has  smoothed 
the  rough  places  and  clarified  my  own  ideas. 

WALLACE  THOMPSON. 

NEW  YORK,  December  1,  1921. 


CONTENTS 

CHAP.  FAQS 

PREFACE xi 

I.  THE  STREAMS  OF  RACE 1 

White  and  Indian  Heritages — Irresponsible  Indian 
Communism — The  Indian's  Crisis  Carried  Down  to 
Our  Own  Time — Adoption  of  Foreign  Codes — "  Mexi- 
canization"  of  the  Indian — The  Menace  of  the  Yellow 
Tide 

II.  TFE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 21 

Indian  and  Spanish  Contributions — Creole  and 
Mestizo — PVi ygjffi  1  F.TVPJ r r>rup cm  t — Warring  Cultures — 
Imitation — ^Thelae^-Emotionalism — Standards  of  Our 
Judgment 

III.  SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 46 

Tradition  Emphasized  by  Foreign  Codes — Absence 
of  Colorful  Legends — Domination  of  "La  Costumbre" 
— Archaic  Business  Customs — Politeness — Social  Eti- 
quette— Mexican  Romance 

IV.  PLAYTIME  IN  MEXICO 75 

Absence  of  True  Spirit  of  Play — Ancient  Indian 
Festivals  —  List  of  Holidays  —  Celebrations  —  Bull 
Fights— Social  Functions— The  Theater— Sports 

V.  MEXICAN  CULTURE 101 

Racial  Cleavage — Discouragement  of  Indian  Arts — 
Spanish  Contribution — Architecture — Pottery-making 
— Weaving — Music — Dancing  and  Folklore — Painting 
— Literature 

VI.  THE  MEXICAN  MIND 133 

Domination  of  Intellect — Lack  of  Imagination — 
Absence  of  Analysis — Empirical  Thinking — The  Con- 
crete and  the  Personal — The  Sensation-impulse  Chief 
Stimulant  to  Thought — Self-realization 


CONTENTS 

CHAP.  PAGE 

VII.  THE  "EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 150 

Emotional  Expression  and  Mental  Direction — Pau- 
city of  Instincts — Sex — Fear,  Cruelty,  Suspicion — 
Honesty — Oratory  and  Poetry — Humor — Haoit 

VIII.  WHAT^S  WORTH  WHILE 176 

Decision  the  Result  of  Intellectual  Valuations — 
Apathy  and  Other  Inhibitions — Types  of  Normal  De- 
cision— Abnormalities  of  Mexican  Will — Scales  of  Psy- 
chological Values — Sex,  j'ride,  Honor,  Dignity — 
Property  Instinct — Desire  for  a  Leader 

IX.  THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 205 

Mexican  Crowd  Exists  on  Second  of  Four  Planes  of 
Human  Social  Development — Individual  and  Group 
Responsibility — Will  Organizations  Only — Communis- 
tic Groups — Mexican  Socialism — Class  Groupings — 
Leadership — Like-mindedness  of  Mexicans 

X.  THE  CAULDRON  OF  POLITICS 235 

Domination  of  Personalities — The  "Iron  Hand" — 
Borrowed  Systems  of  Government — Constitution  of 
1917 — Revolution  Instead  of  Election — The  "Opposi- 
tion"— Mexican  Federal  States  and  Democracy — The 
Church  in  Politics — Mexican  Justice — Graft — Obre- 
gon's  "Peace" 

XI.  MEXICO   AND   THE   WORLD   WITHOUT 257 

Fear  of  American  Intervention — Diaz  and  Interven- 
tion— The  Monroe  Doctrine — Sense  of  Inferiority  to 
Foreigners — Foreign  Capital — Liking  for  Indivdual 
Foreigners — Business  and  the  Outside  World — 
Radicalism  and  Anti-foreignism 

XII.  THINGS  DREAMED  OF 276 

Mexican  Patriotism  a  Love  of  the  Soil — Lack  of 
Respect  for  History  and  Ideals — Land— "  Nationaliza- 
tion"— Inconsistencies  Between  Professions  and  Ac- 
tions— Diaz's  Failure  in  Education — The  Problem  of 
"Socialization" — An  Ideal  of  Education  for  Mexican 
Regeneration 
INDEX  ,  295 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

CHAPTER  I 

THE   STREAMS   OF   RACE 

)  great  streams  have  come  down  from 
A  immemorial  time  to  the  making  of  the  Mexican 
mind,  as  they  have  come  to  the  making  of  the 
Mexican  nation.  These  are  the  streams  of  two  races, 
white  and  red,  races  which  in  mind  and  in  living 
were  as  far  apart  as  the  globe  which  separated 
them. 

The  red  stream,  moving  along  through  ages  be- 
fore the  white  appeared,  had  become,  ere  the  meet- 
ing, an  ocean  which  covered  two  continents.  It 
was  into  that  ocean  that  the  blood  of  the  white 
stream  poured  in  the  two  great  rivers  which  swept 
westward  from  North  and  South  Europe  in  the  six- 
teenth and  seventeenth  centuries.  In  the  north 
our  Anglo-Saxon  river  pushed  back  the  red,  build- 
ing a  wall,  a  dike,  which  we  advanced  by  slow  years 
ever  westward,  inclosing  those  pools  of  red  we  left 
behind  us,  but  never  mingling.  But  in  the  South, 
Spain  poured  her  blood  and  culture  and  civilization 

into  the  red  sea,  softening  its  menacing  color  and 

i 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

crying  joyfully  in  triumph  when,  here  or  there,  a 
pool  paled  to  European  purity.  Through  three 
centuries  this  mingling  went  on,  and  in  Mexico  the 
blood  of  three  hundred  thousand  white  men  was 
poured  into  the  sea  of  six  million  red  men  to  the 
making  of  what  they  called  a  new  race,  the  mestizo, 
or  mixed  breed. 

Those  white  men  of  the  heroic  age  felt,  perhaps, 
that  they  were  contributing  chiefly  their  blood  to 
the  great  mixture,  but  they  gave  far  more.  They 
gave  the  language  of  Latin  culture.  They  built  a 
civilization  of  great  churches  and  stately  palaces 
and  broad,  square-lying  towns.  They  gave  a  social 
and  political  system  essentially  Spanish  and  a  re- 
ligion which  raised  the  Cross  above  an  area  that, 
with  South  America,  was  vaster  than  all  the  Cross 
had  ever  shone  upon  before.  They  built  a  princi- 
pality of  wealth  and  power  and  culture  and  pressed 
down  upon  the  Indian  population  a  domination  of 
ideas  which  seemed  to  mark  the  land  for  Spain  and 
the  Church  forever. 

Then  came  that  strange  sweep  of  freedom  which 
was  first  an  idea  in  the  Europe  of  the  late  eighteenth 
century  and  was  next  a  pulsing  reality  in  that 
mighty  outpost  of  England  which  lay  between 
Boston  and  Roanoke.  The  sweep  of  that  freedom 
turned  southward,  and  then  Mexico  and  one  by 
one  each  and  all  of  the  Americas  fell  beneath  the 
sway,  not  perhaps  of  the  idea,  but  of  the  fact,  and 
kings  tottered  on  their  thrones  and  colonies  be- 
came independent  empires.  The  white  man  of 

Northern  America  became  his  own  king,  for  the 

2 


THE  STREAMS  OF  RACE 

ideas  of  freedom  were  deep  in  his  heart.  He  and 
he  alone  fought  the  battles  which  were  in  reality 
but  a  single  battle  in  the  long  war  which  had  begun 
at  Runnymede. 

But  the  white  man  of  the  South,  the  Spaniard, 
who  for  three  centuries  had  bred  his  blood  into  the 
soil,  raising  up  his  Creole 1  and  mestizo  sons  to  carry 
on  the  torch,  fled  back  to  Europe  before  the  storm, 
and  the  mestizos  and  their  Indian  brothers  became 
the  "Washingtons"  and  "Jeffersons"  and  "Hamil- 
tons"  and  "Lafayettes"  of  their  revolutions.  Red 
man  turned  against  white,  and  for  fifty  years  blood 
flowed  like  water  in  every  land  from  Florida  to 
Patagonia.  Then  here  and  there  arose  great  men, 
and  especially,  in  Mexico,  one  great  man,  Porfirio 
Diaz,  a  half-blood  Indian,  but  by  some  strange 
prank  of  heredity,  a  white  man  in  mind  and 
soul. 

Diaz  rallied  round  him  that  pitiful  handful  of  the 
white  Mexicans  who  remained,  the  native-born 
Creoles,  and  with  them  those  half-blood  Mexicans 
in  whom  the  Spanish  strain  was  predominant  in 
culture  and  in  their  ways  of  thinking.  They  built 
them  a  republic  that  was  an  autocracy  and  under 


1  In  Mexico  the  term  " Creole"  is  used  to  signify  definitely  the 
pure-blood,  white  descendants  of  Europeans,  most  of  them  Span- 
iards. The  term  "mestizo"  now  applies  to  all  mixed  Indian 
and  white  blood  peoples,  whatever  the  proportion  of  the  mixture. 
The  word  " Creole"  has  rather  differing  meanings  in  South  America 
and  also  in  the  United  States.  The  Mexican  use,  which  is  followed 
here,  is  supported  by  the  Spanish  Academy,  with  this  further 
limitation  that  by  the  literal  Academy  definition  negroes  of  pure 
African  blood  are  also  Creoles. 

3 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

their  sway  Mexico  again  became  an  outpost  of  the 
white  world  in  Latin  America,  paralleling  in  many 
ways  the  white  lands  of  Chile,  Argentine,  and 
Uruguay,  far  to  the  south  in  the  temperate  zone,  the 
home  land  of  the  white  man. 

Under  Diaz,  European  culture  became  predomi- 
nant, as  it  had  been  in  the  days  of  the  Spanish 
viceroys,  and  the  mind,  the  culture  of  the  red  man 
were  buried  once  more,  buried  and  all  but  forgotten 
in  the  centers  of  government  and  learning.  Upward 
through  that  crust  of  foreign  culture  there  pushed, 
here  and  there,  a  mestizo  and,  at  long  intervals,  an 
Indian,  achieving  the  miracle  of  adaptation  along 
ways  ill  suited  to  their  strange  Indian  psychologies. 
Thus  some  reached,  at  last,  to  the  light  of  the  white 
world,  up  walls  less  scalable,  in  many  ways,  than 
those  which  still  shut  the  American  negro  from  the 
heights  of  our  civilization. 

But  millions  of  the  Mexicans,  mixed  blood  and 
Indian,  remained  red,  and  red  they  are  to  this  day, 
and  red  they  have  shown  themselves  to  all  the 
world  for  these  past  ten  bloody  years.  They  do  not 
dress  in  war  paint  and  their  tomahawks  are  great 
long  corn  knives  which  readily  disembowel  their 
adversaries  but  do  not  lend  themselves  to  the 
more  gentle  art  of  scalp-taking.  But  Indian  they 
are  and  to-day,  behind  the  flimsy  curtain  of  their 
Spanish  language  and  religion,  behind  the  tattered, 
flapping  blinds  of  what  was  once  a  copy  of  the 
American  Federal  Constitution,  behind  the  blatant 
Marseillaise  of  modern  socialism,  they  leap  in  savage 
war  dances  and  look  forward  to  the  day  when 

4 


THE  STREAMS  OF  RACE 

Indian  communism  (not  Marxian  socialism)  shall 
rule,  when  the  white  man  with  his  mines  and  oil 
wells  shall  be  forgotten  and  Indian  demagogues  and 
Indian  priests  shall  rule  their  ways  and  their 
thoughts. 

That  Indian  culture,  if  we  may  so  use  the  term, 
is  perhaps  the  most  sinister  threat  against  the 
civilization  of  the  white  man  which  exists  in  the 
world  to-day.  Its  strength  is  in  its  inertia;  its 
threat  is  in  the  fact  that  to-day  it  is  the  dominating 
factor  in  the  political  and  social  life  of  Mexico,  the 
keystone  nation  of  Latin  America.  That  that 
threat  is  no  mere  nightmare  the  past  ten  years  of 
Mexican  history  may  prove  to  us.  Its  danger  is 
the  greater  in  the  fact  that  the  white  man  of  Europe 
and  America  finds  it  so  difficult  to  believe  that  there 
is  even  the  possibility  of  this  reversion.  Our  pride 
in  our  culture,  our  faith  in  the  subtle  power  and 
lasting  force  of  the  environment  which  our  Spanish 
brothers  created  in  Latin  America  is  so  great  that 
we  are  prone  to  consider  the  Indian  only  as  a  smaller 
brother  and  not  as  a  grown  man  capable  at  least  of 
bearing  arms  and  of  dying  for  the  things  which  are 
ingrained  in  his  soul. 

Brothers  indeed  we  may  be  before  Heaven,  but 
the  Indian  differs  from  the  white  man  in  qualities 
more  fundamental  than  mere  variation  in  ideas 
and  in  the  ages  of  their  cultures.  White  and  red 
were,  and  to-day  indeed  still  are,  farther  apart  than 
any,  even  yellow  and  black,  in  the  processes  of 
their  thoughts  and  in  the  ideals  of  what  is  worth 
living  for  and  what  is  worth  dying  for. 

5 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Although  we  may  feel  far  away  and  distant  from 
the  negro,  because  centuries  of  civilization  separate 
us,  the  distance  seems  somehow  only  that  of  cul- 
tural ages,  and  the  mind  of  the  black  man  and  the 
mind  of  the  white  man  follow  the  same  road.  The 
brown  man  of  the  Mediterranean  seems  to  speak 
our  language,  and  his  culture  and  ours  are  one. 
Even  the  yellow  Oriental  thinks  as  we  think,  and 
we  misunderstand  him  chiefly  because  he  does  not 
let  us  see  his  mind,  because  ever  is  that  cloud  of 
imperturbable,  age-old  silence  of  voice  and  facial 
muscle  which  we  do  not  penetrate.  But  the  red 
man,  with  a  lesser  cunning  than  the  yellow,  with 
a  mask  of  apparent  dullness  and  stupidity,  baffles 
us  by  his  very  simplicity.  We  may  know  the  illog- 
ical sequence  of  his  thoughts,  we  may  plumb  his 
philosophy  till  its  childishness  lies  plain  before  us, 
but  still  he  travels  a  road  which  is  more  than  the 
mere  path  behind  us,  which  apparently  swings  in 
orbits  which  know  not  the  planes  and  verticals  and 
ellipses  that  are  ours.  East  and  West  may  lie  far 
asunder,  but  they  meet  indeed  before  the  throne  of 
common  virtues;  West  and  East  alike  stumble  to 
incoherence  before  the  enigma  of  the  Apache,  the 
Aztec,  the  Maya,  and  the  Inca. 

To-day  the  white  world  stands  as  it  has  stood 
since  Columbus  first  planted  the  Cross  on  the  Island 
of  San  Salvador,  aloof  and  afar  from 'those  planes 
of  Indian  psychology.  But,  verily,  the  day  is  press- 
ing upon  us,  and  it  behooves  us  to  take  ourselves 
out  of  the  safe  shelter  of  our  Abbey  walls,  where  for 
our  thousand  years  we  have  sat  in  judgment  upon 


THE  STREAMS  OF  RACE 

the  world,  and  to  find  that  Indian  plane,  and, 
finding  it,  to  know  it  and  understand  it.  Thus  and 
thus  only  will  we  achieve  the  civilizing  of  Latin 
America  and  in  that  civilizing  the  saving  of  white 
culture  in  the  western  hemisphere  and  perhaps,  in- 
deed, in  all  the  world. 

At  our  hand  is  Mexico,  sick  unto  death,  and  be- 
cause of  her  very  illness  with  her  symptoms  and 
the  processes  of  her  thoughts  more  open  than  they 
have  ever  been  to  the  white  man.  The  way  of  our 
search  here  plunges  into  the  untracked  jungle  of 
Indian  and  Mexican  psychology,  a  forest  into 
whose  depths  no  foreigner  has  ever  penetrated. 
Into  it  we  must  go,  because  only  when  we  have 
passed  beyond  its  edges  and  glimpsed  (even  if  we 
only  glimpse)  its  massive  trunks,  its  bogs,  and  its 
twining,  crippling  vines,  its  poisonous,  exotic 
flowers,  its  noxious  insects  and  its  savage  beasts, 
shall  we  begin  to  understand  the  problems  which 
we  actually  face  or  begin  to  approach  to  their 
solution. 

In  that  jungle  we  shall  find  not  only  the  old, 
primeval  growths  of  Indianism  unchanged  through 
the  four  centuries  of  white  rule,  but  we  shall  find 
also  trees  and  plants  and  grasses  of  transplanted 
Spanish  ideals,  distorted  and  adapted  by  their  new 
environment  into  forms  which  we  shall  hardly  recog^ 
nize,  with  roots  steeped  in  the  rotting  atavism  of 
the  untold  millenniums  of  Indian  history. 

The  Mexico  of  to-day  is  root  and  stem  of  this 
ancient  jungle.  The  very  physical  make-up  of  the 

population  harks  back  to  it.  The  six  million  Indians 

7 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

of  the  fifteen  million  of  the  Mexican  people  are  in 
many  ways  more  Indian  than  the  reservation  tribes 
of  the  United  States.  Of  the  eight  million  mestizos 
or  mixed  bloods,  probably  two-thirds  are  Indian 
in  physical  type  and  in  spiritual  and  mental  tem- 
perament. Nearly  twelve  million  Indian  minds  in 
fifteen  million !  A  vast  subsoil  whose  mere  existence 
is  the  most  illuminating  fact  in  Mexican  life,  be  the 
observer  psychologist,  politician,  soldier,  or  a  trades- 
man seeking  new  markets. 

Descended,  during  unrecorded  aeons,  either 
through  evolutionary  processes  from  the  animal  life 
of  the  very  land  in  which  they  now  live,  or  wan- 
derers from  distant  cradles  of  humanity  of  which 
they  have  no  tradition,  the  Indians  of  Mexico,  as  of 
all  America,  remain  one  of  the  unique  racial  prob- 
lems of  science.  Their  historical  and  psychological 
problems,  as  well,  still  baffle  our  attempts  at  meas- 
uring them  by  our  own  scientific  yardsticks. 

In  the  period  of  then*  life  which  we  know,  the 
Mexican  Indians,  like  all  the  peoples  of  history,  have 
had  the  experience  of  being  conquered  and  domi- 
nated culturally  by  men  of  alien  races  and  higher 
civilization.  But  in  exception  to  most  others,  they 
have  not  and  do  not  now  show  any  sign  of  the 
growing  mentality,  broader  group-consciousness, 
improved  moral  and  intellectual  adaptability  which 
have  marked  other  conquered  peoples  in  the  five 
thousand  years  of  recorded  history. 

They  remain  much  the  same  peoples  as  they  were 
when  the  Spaniards  came,  little  changed  by  white 
rule,  essentially  barbaric  in  their  modes  of  thought 

8 


THE  STREAMS  OF  RACE 

and  in  the  values  which  they  place  upon  the  factors 
of  their  life.  Like  the  Indians  of  old  time,  the 
Indians  of  to-day  desire  nothing  so  much  as  to  be 
left  alone,  and  the  one  thing  which  they  fight  for 
is  to  be  left  to  themselves  and  to  their  primeval 
communal  life.  Spain  discovered  early  that  the 
easiest  way  to  rule  the  Indians  was  to  leave  the 
communes  to  themselves,  and  to  allow  their  only 
contact  to  be  with  the  paternal  Church  and  the 
paternal  landlord.  The  viceroys  early  adopted  this 
easiest  way,  with  effects  of  which  we  are  only  to- 
day reaping  the  full  fruits. 

This  first  and  most  significant  surrender  to  In- 
dianism  by  the  Spaniards  was  virtually  a  re-begin- 
ning of  the  European  feudal  system  both  for  the 
Indians  and  for  their  conquerors.  The  feudal  age 
was  dead  in  Europe  when  Columbus  sailed,  almost 
as  dead  in  Spain  as  in  England.  But  the  feudal 
stage  of  Indian  development  was  not  yet  passed, 
and  so,  in  the  surrender  to  Indian  demands,  feudal- 
ism was  revived  in  Latin  America,  and  that  far 
less  because  of  Spanish  cupidity  than  because  of 
the  immovable  mountain  of  Indian  tradition  and 
the  inertia  of  Indian  psychology. 

Thus,  in  the  beginning,  the  Indian  failed  in  meet- 
ing his  great  crisis, — the  crisis  of  his  adaptation  to 
the  higher  culture  which  Spain  offered  him.  In  his 
winning  the  right  to  continue  his  communal  life  he 
carried  on  to  future  generations  the  consequences 
of  his  failure  to  meet  his  new  conditions.  That 
failure  has  been  repeated  age  after  age  and  by  gov- 
ernment after  government,  and  the  crisis  of  Indian 

9 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

adaptation  to  the  white  civilization  which  has 
pressed  upon  him  has  come  down  to  our  own  day. 
It  is  that  crisis  which  faces  the  white  Mexican  and 
through  him  all  the  white  world  to-day.  For  the 
crisis  of  Mexico  is  essentially  this  crisis  of  the 
Indian,  due  to  his  failure,  again,  in  the  past  decade, 
to  meet  the  crisis  of  government  which  has  been 
thrown  into  his  hands  by  the  machinations  of 
mixed-breed  agitators. 

The  problem  is  essentially  psychological  and 
essentially  one  which,  because  of  the  failures  and 
neglect  of  the  mestizos  and  of  the  Indians,  the 
white  world  must  meet  and  solve.  It  therefore  be- 
hooves us  to  dig  deep  into  its  psychological  bases 
as  well  as  into  its  historical  antecedents. 

Aside  from  the  blame  which  might  attach  to  the 
Spaniards  as  a  colonizing  and  civilizing  power, 
aside  from  the  fact  that  the  racial  amalgamation 
of  peoples  of  such  different  and  distant  stocks  in- 
evitably produces  a  lower  mixed  type,  less  capable 
than  either  of  the  parent  races  to  meet  crises,  there 
remain  certain  definite  elements  of  Indian  psychol- 
ogy and  social  organization  which  stand  out  men- 
acingly in  the  Indian  history  of  the  past  and  in  the 
Mexican  history  of  the  present. 

The  first  of  these  is  that  never  since  the  fall  of 
Spanish  rule  has  the  scepter  of  vital  power  been 
long  out  of  the  grasp  of  the  Indian  mass.  This 
power,  animal  in  its  beginnings,  and  animal  in 
most  of  its  manifestations,  has  owed  its  control  to 
the  numerical  predominance  of  the  Indian  type  in 

the  population,  to  the  dominance  of  Indian  phys- 

10 


THE  STREAMS  OF  RACE 

ical  and  mental  traits  in  the  mass  of  the  mestizos 
and  to  the  greater  adaptability  of  the  Indian  to 
climatic  and  food  conditions. 

The  second  important  element  is  the  fact  that 
the  strivings,  the  "ideals"  of  the  Indian  are  not,  as 
our  sentimentality  would  lead  us  to  believe,  toward 
democracy  and  that  freedom  which  we  find  a  need 
of  our  own  souls,  but  toward  the  primal  com- 
munism which  has  come  down,  virtually  unchanged, 
from  pre-Spanish  times,  and  toward  a  liberty  that 
is  license,  without  limit  or  inhibition. 

This  Mexican  communism  is  unique,  distin- 
guished from  other  communal  organizations  in  his- 
tory by  an  almost  complete  absence  of  communal 
responsibility.  A  system  of  common  ownership  of 
land  and  other  property  has  existed  from  the 
legendary  era  of  Mexico  down  to  the  modern  days 
of  Carranza  and  Obregon.  But  where  in  other  lands 
with  similar  communal  ideas  the  sense  of  responsi- 
bility on  the  part  of  the  commune  for  the  acts  of 
its  members  has  been  a  great  controlling  and 
educative  force,  in  Mexico  there  has  been  virtually 
no  such  restraint.  Normally,  the  kin  or  clan  takes 
upon  itself  matters  of  discipline  and  control,  and 
offenses  of  any  sort  against  the  tribal  code  are  pun- 
ished severely.  Not  the  least  onerous  of  its  punish- 
ments has  always  been,  from  Africa  to  Greenland, 
banishment  or  expulsion  from  the  group,  a  sen- 
tence which  in  the  kin  organizations  of  all  time  has 
meant  social  death,  for  no  other  kin  will  receive  a 
pariah. 

To-day  in  Mexico  there  are  no  signs  of  any  such 
11 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

communal  responsibility,  and,  despite  the  search 
of  many  delvers  into  ancient  tradition,  it  is  much 
more  likely  that  communal  responsibility  never  ex- 
isted than  that  it  has  been  outgrown.  Savage  life  in 
Mexico  has  always  been  easy.  Expulsion  from  the 
kin  relationship  has  carried  no  perils  of  lack  of 
food  and  very  little  danger  from  wild  beasts.  The 
pariah  was  always  able  to  find  his  way  through 
friendly  jungles,  to  live  in  his  own  corn  patch  and 
to  make  him  a  new  kin  of  his  own.  The  communism 
of  prehistoric  Mexico,  like  that  of  to-day,  appar- 
ently had  no  other  effect  on  the  people  than  to 
drown  individual  initiative  and  in  that  drowning  to 
sink  even  the  initiative  and  responsibility  of  the 
clan  itself. 

This  effect  of  the  peculiar  communism  of  the 
Mexican  Indian  is  itself  responsible  for  the  third 
basic  fact  of  Indian  psychology,  the  love  of  and 
mastery  by  leaders  and  personalities.  Shirking  re- 
sponsibility, the  Indian  sought  ever  to  find  for 
himself  masters  who  would  assume  it.  Before  the 
conquest  he  had  been  a  slave  to  his  self-appointed 
priests  and  princes,  and  went  to  war  at  the  caprice 
and  behests  of  his  rulers.  In  Spanish  days  he  offered 
himself  as  a  weapon  and  as  a  tool  to  the  tyrannies 
which  the  situation  nurtured  and  developed  from 
the  human  selfishness  of  his  new  masters. 

This  Indian  tendency  toward  irresponsible  com- 
munism, and  this  Indian  willingness  to  shift  every 
responsibility  to  the  shoulders  of  any  leader,  com- 
bine to  perpetuate  and  to  explain  the  intellectual 
domination  of  the  Spanish  element  in  the  outward 

12 


THE  STREAMS  OF  RACE 

appearances  of  the  Mexico  which  we  have  known. 
This  Spanish  influence  has  sought,  through  all  the 
years  and  all  the  changing  governments  of  Mexico, 
to  destroy  Indianism  by  the  expedient  of  replacing 
tribal  and  kin  relationships  with  a  white  national 
ideal.  This  effort  has  failed  with  equal  continuity, 
and  the  root  of  its  failure  we  find,  again,  in  a  psy- 
chological condition  which  is  basically  racial. 

Humanity,  in  developing  from  communes  and 
savage  tribes  into  nations  of  self-conscious  indi- 
viduals, has  always  passed  through  the  great  mo- 
ment when  the  ancient  customs  and  superstitions 
have  been  codified  into  firm  and  workable  law,  with 
practical  provisions  for  change  and  amendment. 
Until  that  moment  comes,  the  aegis  of  tradition 
is  the  heaviest  of  burdens  and  the  most  rigid  of 
tyrannies,  for  uncodified  tradition  chains  a  people 
with  unwritten  laws  as  immutable  as  those  of 
Nature  herself.  And  no  nation  can  ever  develop  or 
ever  be  solidly  founded  unless  its  nationality  is  a 
growth  of  its  natural  and  racial  heritages. 

Thus  we  reach  the  branching  point  of  Mexico's 
political  confusion  and  of  much  of  her  psychological 
chaos.  The  codes  and  laws  under  which  she  lived 
during  the  three  centuries  of  Spanish  rule  and  upon 
which  she  built  her  independence  were  not  the 
codified  traditions  of  the  mass  of  her  people,  but 
those  which  had  been  brought  ready-made  from 
Spain.  They  had  been  impressed  upon  the  Indians 
without  adaptation  and  virtually  without  their 
absorbing  a  single  one  of  the  dominant  traditions 
of  the  native  races. 

13 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Nor  did  this  idea  of  imposing  a  foreign  code  end 
with  the  effort  to  make  Mexico  Spanish.  It  has 
continued  through  all  her  independent  history,  first 
with  an  mutation  of  the  constitution  and  system — 
the  code — of  the  United  States,  then  with  borrow- 
ings from  France,  and  most  recently  with  a  ready- 
made  socialistic  constitution,  code,  and  philosophy, 
presented  to  the  Mexican  people  by  foreigners  who 
knew  little  of  their  past  and  were  oblivious  even  to 
the  struggle  of  the  moment  between  entrenched 
Indian  tradition  and  the  cumulative  cycle  of  foreign 
imitations. 

Always  there  has  been,  on  the  part  of  the  more 
intelligent  Mexicans,  a  realization — not  always  con- 
crete— of  this  eternal  battle  in  the  Indian  and 
mestizo  mind.  The  Spaniard  sought  to  eliminate 
the  conflict  by  making  Mexico  white  through  racial 
amalgamation — a  plan  whose  failure  to-day  is  virtu- 
ally complete. 

Since  Spanish  tunes  all  effort  toward  harmonizing 
the  two  elements  has  been  undertaken  on  the  prin- 
ciple that  the  Indian,  as  the  lower  race,  must  and 
would  ultimately  climb  to  the  plane  of  his  more 
advanced  brother.  This  idea  has  enthroned  two 
elements,  the  theorists  who  have  sought  to  find 
newer  and  more  beautiful  systems  of  democracy, 
and  the  demagogues,  who  have  raised  up  Indian 
armies,  one  after  the  other,  by  promising,  each  and 
all,  the  same  surrender  to  Indian  tradition  and  to 
Indian  love  of  loot  and  of  communism  as  the  price 
of  Indian  support.  This  linking  of  theory  and 
demagogy  is  the  condition  which  we  see  to-day, 

14 


THE  STREAMS  OF  RACE 

and  have  seen  through  the  century  of  Mexico's 
independence. 

Increasingly,  however,  the  need  of  a  new  method 
has  become  apparent.  We  have  now  reached, 
through  slow  evolution  in  our  educational  systems, 
a  realization  that  the  duty  is  upon  the  wiser  brother 
to  stoop  and  lift,  rather  than  upon  the  lower  to 
climb  through  his  handicaps  to  the  higher  plane.  In 
the  United  States  the  years  since  the  close  of  the 
Great  War  have  seen  the  development  of  a  new  sys- 
tem of  reaching  the  immigrant  problem.  This  sys- 
tem is  called  Americanization.  Its  working  principle 
is  the  seeking  out,  in  the  unassimilated  immigrant, 
of  those  national  or  racial  traits  and  traditions 
which  can  best  be  adapted  to  serve  and  be  served 
by  American  institutions,  and  upon  those  traits  to 
build  both  the  adaptation  of  the  immigrant  himself 
and  a  broadening  of  the  usefulness  and  adaptability 
of  American  institutions.  This  temporary  surrender 
of  American  ideals  may  not  appeal  to  all  of  us,  but 
it  gives  an  illuminating  analogy.  Mexico's  great 
problem  is  not  unlike  this  problem  of  the  United 
States,  differing  chiefly  in  that  Mexico's  unassimi- 
lated population  has  long  lived  within  her  own 
borders.  In  other  words,  the  problem  of  Mexico  is 
the  problem  of  the  Mexicanization  of  the  Indian 
mass. 

This  idea  was  first  expressed  in  1916  by  a  young 
Mexican  archaeologist  of  the  Madero  revolutionary 
group,  Manuel  Gamio.  His  book,  which  he  called 
"Forging  the  Fatherland",  may  well  mark  the 
point  of  departure  toward  a  true  understanding  of 

15 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

the  whole  Mexican  problem  as  a  psychological  and 
racial  issue.  In  this  book  he  has  written: 

Contemporary  European  civilization  has  not  been  able  to 
filter  into  our  indigenous  population  for  two  principal  causes; 
first,  by  reason  of  the  natural  resistance  which  this  population 
offers  to  change  of  culture;  and  second,  because  we  are  ignorant 
of  the  reasons  of  this  resistance.  We  do  not  know  how  the 
Indian  thinks;  we  do  not  know  his  true  aspirations;  we 
prejudge  him  according  to  our  criteria  when  we  ought  to 
saturate  ourselves  with  his  own  point  of  view  in  order  to 
understand  it.  Temporarily  we  must  be  able  to  create  an 
indigenous  soul;  then  we  may  labor  for  the  advancement  of 
the  indigenous  population.  Such  a  task  is  not  the  duty  of 
the  governor,  pedagogue  or  sociologist,  but  of  the  anthro- 
pologist, particularly  the  ethnologist,  whose  apostleship  requires 
not  only  wisdom  and  abnegation,  but  especially  does  it  require 
an  orientation  and  a  point  of  view  which  are  beyond  prejudice. 
.  .  .  The  Indian  will  continue  in  a  pre-Hispanic  culture  until 
he  is  gradually  brought  into  contemporary  civilization.  The 
attempt  to  do  this  by  teaching  him  religion,  clothing  him  and 
teaching  him  the  alphabet  has  not  got  under  the  skin;  the 
soul  and  body  of  the  Indian  are  still  pre-Hispanic.  We  cannot 
Europeanize  the  Indian  at  one  stroke;  we  should  rather 
Indianize  ourselves  a  little  to  assist  in  the  rapproachment.1 

This  is  but  the  suggestion  of  a  way,  but  great 
though  it  be  or  small  though  it  be,  such  an  attitude 
is  itself  the  most  vitally  necessary  element  in  the 
solution  that  must  appear. 

For  the  Indian  has  come  to  be  a  world  question 
and  he  will  be  considered  more  and  more,  for  the 
problems  of  this  globe  will  not  be  solved  without 

1  Manuel  Gamio,  "Forjando  Patria,"  Mexico,  1910,  page  40. 

16 


THE  STREAMS  OF  RACE 

him.  To-day  he  sits  with  his  tattered  Spanish  cloak 
of  government  about  him,  upon  the  richest  of 
all  the  unopened  lands  of  the  world,  an  area  which 
can  support  a  thousand  million  souls,  and  will  yet 
support  them.  Of  what  nature  those  thousand 
millions  are  to  be  is  the  question  that  faces,  not  the 
Indians  who  possess  the  lands  and  may  indeed 
become  a  people  capable  and  worthy  of  developing 
their  heritage,  but  us,  the  whites  of  Latin  America, 
of  the  United  States,  of  Europe. 

The  problem  concerns  us,  as  life  itself  concerns 
us.  For  the  problem  is  this :  that  the  trend  of  the 
mightier  forces  in  human  affairs  is  turning  toward 
a  clearer  separation  of  the  white  world  from  the 
yellow,  perhaps  from  the  brown  world  and  the 
black.  And  between  them  all  is  the  red,  the  world 
wherein  lie  the  greatest  future  fields  of  development 
upon  this  planet.  Until  to-day  we,  the  Anglo- 
Saxons,  through  the  great  English  republic  in  the 
north  of  the  Americas,  have  kept  the  whole  of  the 
red  lands  of  that  hemisphere  for  the  whites,  and 
the  yellow  has  as  yet  hardly  a  foothold.  Until  now 
we  have  accomplished  this  by  political  and  poten- 
tial military  force.  We  have  been  supplemented 
throughout  the  century  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
by  the  effects  of  the  long-failing  effort  of  Spain 
to  make  the  lands  of  Mexico  and  Central  and  South 
America  white  by  the  infusion  of  the  blood  of  her 
white  colonists  into  the  Indian  and  negro  mass. 
To-day  Spain  lies  exhausted,  chiefly  because  she 
sought  so  mightily  to  achieve  that  alchemy,  to 
her  own  heroic  impoverishment.  To-day,  too,  that 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

old  ideal  of  racial  amalgamation  has  been  broken 
on  the  immutable  facts  of  human  inheritance,  and 
the  "  Latin  "  lands  are  slipping  back  to  half-breedism 
and  Indianism. 

With  that  great  ally  of  hope  gone  from  the  white, 
the  yellow  world  to-day  clamors  for  a  place  in  the 
untamed  southern  continent.  Only  for  a  little 
while  may  we  hope  that  our  threats  can  hold  back 
the  stream  of  yellow  immigration,  while  our  culture 
falls  back  before  the  rising  sea  of  Indianism.  And 
then,  either  bloody  war  or  surrender  of  the  fairest 
gardens  of  the  world,  not  to  the  red  man,  but  to 
the  yellow, — and  we  shall  want  those  lands,  and 
shall  have  need  of  them  ere  this  century  draws  to 
a  close. 

There  is  but  one  choice,  and  that  is  the  making 
of  those  Indians  into  real,  true  wards  and  supporters 
of  white  civilization.  It  can  be  done,  for  if  we  do 
not  the  yellow  man  will  make  them  yellow,  with 
an  ease  that  will  startle  us, — if  we  are  here  to  watch. 
And  that  choice  turns  upon  the  uplifting  of  those 
Indians,  those  half-bloods,  by  the  understanding  of 
their  race,  their  minds,  their  aspirations,  and  their 
history,  and  in  the  end  by  a  system  of  education 
that  will  be  the  mightiest  plan  ever  devised  or  ever 
executed  by  human  minds  in  the  history  of  the 
world. 

The  issue  is  gigantic,  and  it  is  imminently  press- 
ing. No  man  can  say  how  soon  it  must  be  com- 
pleted, ere  the  dikes  break.  And  we  have  not  yet 
begun. 

At  our  hand  lies  Mexico,  and  the  work  of  under- 

18 


THE  STREAMS  OF  RACE 

standing  must  begin  in  Mexico,  because,  save  for 
the  white  countries  at  the  southern  end  of  South 
America,  she  is  closest  to  us,  still,  in  her  culture  and 
in  her  ways  of  thought.  Mexico  has  been  a  white 
man's  country  and  must  yet  be.  But  a  white 
man's  country  where  the  red  man  is  the  true  sharer 
of  our  culture,  the  true  ward  of  our  devotion,  not 
a  land  owing  homage  to  an  oppressor,  nor  yet  a 
painted  replica  of  white  civilization.  Her  own 
white  men  have  led  her  as  best  they  knew  and  their 
failures  have  been  the  failures  of  all  of  us,  in  an 
era  when  we  understood  but  little,  when  education 
seemed  to  be  something  that  was  to  be  brought 
from  above,  not  something  that  should  be  nurtured 
tenderly  in  the  deep  soil  of  life  and  race  and  thought. 
They  know,  as  we  know,  to-day,  that  civilization 
will  come  as  ideas  are  planted  in  men's  minds  in 
ways  which  they  can  grasp  and  learn,  and  not  as 
those  minds  are  forced  into  alien  molds.  This  is 
the  essence  of  the  Mexican  problem,  and  we  must 
face  these  facts  of  race  and  of  need  and  failure 
before  we  can  understand  either  how  Mexico  thinks 
or  what  she  thinks.  Many  thousand  Mexicans 
have  climbed  their  way  to  white  culture,  understood 
it  and  adopted  it,  and  these  men,  white  and  of 
mixed  blood,  can  be  trusted  to  lead  the  way  if  we 
will  but  give  the  means,  and  if  but  for  a  few  years 
longer  we  hold  the  dikes. 

And  Mexico  will  be  a  white  man's  land,  more 
truly  than  she  has  ever  been.  Whatever  may  be 
the  turn  of  the  world's  history,  whatever  may  be 

the  change  in  the  very  bases  of  civilization,  whether 

19 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

property  shall  pass  away  or  socialism  become  but  a 
leaven,  the  problem  of  Mexico  will  remain  this 
problem  of  bringing  her  truly  into  the  white  world, 
a  problem  of  planting,  of  adaptation,  of  slow 
growth,  and  slow  maturing. 


20 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

IN  Mexico  we  stand  in  the  presence  of  one  of  the 
great  paradoxes  of  humanity,  a  people  who  are 
not  a  people,  a  race  which  is  not  a  race,  a  culture 
which  is  not  a  culture.  The  Mexican  faces  the 
world  gravely,  seriously  offering  himself  as  a 
people  distinct  and  definite,  with  national  ten- 
dencies and  ideals,  and  with  a  national  psychology 
of  its  own;  yet  he  is  not  a  people,  but  an  agglomera- 
tion of  many  peoples,  with  ideals  and  psychologies 
still  distinct  and  definite  within  themselves,  like 
nothing  in  the  world  so  much  as  an  impressionist 
painting  which  blends  with  distance  into  harmony, 
yet  which  close  at  hand  is  made  up  of  innumerable 
contrasting  colors. 

The  Mexican  has  long  sought  to  convince  us  that 
he  is  a  race,  a  new  race,  and  he  acts  indeed  with  an 
astonishing  unanimity,  despite  the  pressure  of  one 
or  the  other  element  upon  his  mind  and  will;  and 
yet  he  is  two  races, — and  a  hybrid  between  the  two. 

He  offers  us  a  distinct  culture  which  he  claims 
as  his  own,  a  culture  which  goes  back  with  naive 
frankness  both  to  the  heritages  of  old  Spain  and 
to  the  culture-legends  of  prehistoric  Mexico.  It 
is  a  culture  not  without  definiteness,  not  without 

21 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

inspiring  qualities  to  the  Mexican  people  and  to 
the  student  from  other  lands,  and  yet  it  is  in 
reality  two  cultures,  blended  with  approximately 
the  skill  of  a  housewife  making  a  toothsome — 
but  much-mixed — hash. 

Yet  this  paradox  is  the  very  essence  of  our  study, 
is  itself  the  key  to  our  understanding  of  Mexico. 
That  the  Mexicans  actually  are  a  distinct  and  rather 
definite  people  we  must  quickly  admit.  That  their 
culture  has  certain  qualities  of  unity  we  shall  find. 
But  the  claim  that  they  are  a  new  race  we  must 
dismiss,  for  that  is  only  a  heritage  of  our  own 
sentimentalism  over  the  melting  pot  of  the  United 
States,  transferred  to  the  darker,  more  limited 
field  of  Mexico.1 

The  culture  of  Mexico  and  the  national  tem- 
perament of  the  Mexican  people  of  to-day  are 
essentially  a  culture  and  a  temperament  of  conflict. 
This  conflict  is  the  battle  between  Spanish  individ- 
ualism on  the  one  hand  and  Indian  communism 
on  the  other.  Each  has  affected  the  other  tremen- 
dously, but  each  has  left  a  definite,  clear  racial 
tinge  which  stands  out  against  the  confusions  of  the 
merging. 

The  primary  strain,  the  Indian,  brought  to  the 
mixture  and  to  the  consequent  cultural  conflict 
many  psychological  elements  as  well  as  racial 
heritages  which  will  appear  in  the  phases  of  Mexican 

1  The  race  question  of  Mexico,  its  historic  background,  and  the 
present  tendency  of  the  mixed  bloods  to  resolve  themselves  into 
their  component  racial  parts,  with  the  Indian  type  predominating, 
is  discussed  in  the  author's  "The  People  of  Mexico",  Book  I, 
chapters  i  to  in. 

22 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

life  which  we  shall  take  up.  They  are  too  deep  a 
part  of  Mexican  psychology  to  be  separated  from 
it  under  the  observation  of  to-day.  Suffice  it  here, 
then,  to  set  down  a  few  of  the  colorful  phrases  of 
one  of  the  world's  greatest  observers,  Alexander  von 
Humboldt.  His  characterizations  of  the  Indians 
as  he  saw  them  in  the  closing  years  of  the  eighteenth 
century  may  be  taken  as  the  earliest  scientific 
analysis  of  the  Indian,  an  analysis  whose  truth 
to-day  is  its  own  proof,  aside  from  the  great  prestige 
of  its  author.  He  writes: 

I  know  of  no  race  of  men  who  appear  more  destitute  of 
imagination  (than  the  Indians  of  Mexico).  When  an  Indian 
attains  a  certain  degree  of  civilization  he  displays  a  great  facility 
of  apprehension,  a  judicious  mind,  a  natural  logic  and  a  par- 
ticular disposition  to  subtilize  or  seize  the  finest  differences 
in  the  comparison  of  objects.  He  reasons  coolly  and  orderly, 
but  he  never  manifests  that  versatility  of  imagination,  that 
glow  of  sentiment,  and  that  creative  and  animating  art  which 
characterize  the  nations  of  the  south  of  Europe  and  several 
tribes  of  African  negroes.1 

The  music  and  dancing  of  the  natives  partake  of  this  want 
of  gaiety  which  characterizes  them  .  .  .  their  songs  are  terrific 
and  melancholic.  The  Indian  women  show  more  vivacity 
than  the  men.2 

Without  ever  leaving  the  beaten  track,  they  display  great 
aptitude  in  the  exercise  of  the  arts  of  imitation,  and  they 
display  a  much  greater  still  for  the  purely  mechanical  arts.3 

The  taste  for  flowers  undoubtedly  indicates  a  relish  for  the 
beautiful.4 

The  families  (of  Indians)  who  enjoy  the  hereditary  rights  of 
cacicasgo  (feudal  power),  far  from  protecting  the  tributary 

1  Alexander  von  Humboldt,  ''Political  Essay  on  the  Kingdom 
of  New  Spain,"  Book  II,  chapter  vi,  page  170. 

2  Ibid.,  171.  3  Ibid.,  173.  «  Ibid.,  174. 

23 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

caste  of  Indians,  more  frequently  abuse  their  power  and  in- 
fluence. .  .  .  Exercising  the  magistry  in  the  Indian  villages, 
they  levy  the  capitation  tax;  they  not  only  delight  in  becoming 
the  instruments  of  the  oppressions  of  the  whites;  but  they 
also  make  use  of  their  power  and  authority  to  extort  small 
sums  for  their  own  advantage.  .  .  .  When  the  Spaniards  made 
the  conquest  of  Mexico  .  .  .  the  cultivator  was  everywhere 
degraded,  the  highways  .  .  .  swarmed  with  mendicants.1 

Recent  examples  ought  to  teach  us  how  dangerous  it  is  to 
allow  the  Indians  to  form  a  status  in  statu,  to  perpetuate  their 
insulation,  barbarity  of  manners,  misery,  and,  consequently, 
motives  of  hatred  against  the  other  castes.  These  very  stupid, 
indolent  Indians  who  suffer  themselves  patiently  to  be  lashed 
at  the  church  doors  appear  cunning,  active,  impetuous,  and 
cruel,  whenever  they  act  in  a  body  in  popular  disturbances.2 

Momentarily,  let  us  add  nothing  to  these  phrases, 
selected  out  of  Humboldt's  rich  record,  a  record 
which  stands  to  this  day  as  one  of  the  great  interpre- 
tive documents  of  all  time,  almost  the  only  un- 
challenged analysis  of  the  Mexican  people  in  any 
language  or  in  any  age. 

To  the  relatively  simple  Indian  conception  of  life, 
expressed  in  their  communal  organization  and  in 
the  combination  of  resignation,  melancholy  and 
treachery  which  Humboldt  described,  the  Spaniards 
brought  as  high  a  culture  as  the  Europe  of  their 
day  could  boast.  They  came  not  as  on  private 
enterprise,  seeking  religious  freedom  (or  markets 
or  materials),  as  the  English  colonists  went  to 
Northern  America,  but  as  agents  and  proteges  of 
the  central  government.  They  were  individualistic 

1  Alexander  von  Humboldt,  "Political  Essay  on  the  Kingdom 
of  New  Spain,"  Book  II,  chapter  vi,  pages  179,  et  seq. 

2  Ibid.,  200. 

24 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

in  their  personal  ambitions,  but  the  State  was 
always  behind  them  and  their  greatest  possible 
achievements  were  personal  wealth  and  positions 
in  the  hierarchy  and  the  government, — individual- 
ism at  its  most  concrete. 

That  individualism  was  the  source  of  the  pride, 
the  arrogance,  the  self-assertion  of  the  conquerors. 
It  was  the  source  of  the  love  of  adventure  which 
brought  them  hither  and  of  the  self-consciousness 
which  dramatized  every  phase  of  their  battles  with 
the  Indians.  It  made  the  astonishing  and  often 
ludicrous  contrasts  which,  like  scenes  from  Don 
Quixote,  marked  the  life  of  the  Spaniards  in  Mexico, 
the  combination  of  the  "  lordly  haciendas  and  their 
barren  seignorial  halls,  the  combination  of  their 
pride  of  birth  and  their  tattered  garments,  the  com- 
bination and  the  contrast  of  their  oppression  of  the 
Indians  for  workers,  erected  on  the  Indian  civiliza- 
tion they  had  destroyed."1 

Of  the  impetus  of  that  Spanish  influx  we  have,  in 
history  and  in  the  Mexico  that  we  see  to-day,  in- 
numerable evidences.  The  stream  of  humanity  and 
of  culture  which  swept  westward  from  Spain  was 
in  volume  and  in  quality  in  no  way  comparable  to 
that  which  sailed  to  New  England  from  north 
Europe.  In  numbers  it  was  far  greater,  for  three 
hundred  thousand  Spaniards  went  to  Mexico  alone 
during  the  colonial  epoch.  In  quality  this  emigration 
averaged  well,  but  it  was  the  quality  of  high  adven- 
ture and  of  priesthood  rather  than  the  quality  of 

lCf.  F.  Garcia  Calderon,  "Latin  America,"  New  York,  1913, 
pp.  29-43. 

25 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

democracy.  It  gave  to  the  Indians  something  of 
those  traits  of  mastery  which  the  Indian  communism 
invited,  an  often  kindly  and  always  strong  mastery 
which  sought  to  solve,  in  its  rough,  mediaeval  way, 
the  problems  of  existence  for  the  communes  and 
the  communal  Indians. 

The  Spanish  influences  have,  however,  undergone 
vital  changes,  not  only  hi  the  Indian  and  mestizo 
adaptations,  but  in  those  of  the  actual  white  de- 
scendants of  the  Spaniards  in  Mexico  to-day. 
There,  as  in  all  Latin  America,  we  find  in  the  Creoles 
a  "Spanish"  racial  and  psychological  type  which  is 
in  many  ways  most  unlike  the  types  and  the  psy- 
chology of  Spain.  Certain  fundamental  bases  re- 
main, but  many  virtues  and  perhaps  a  few  faults 
have  been  lost  in  succeeding  generations.  The 
Spaniards  of  colonial  days  who  came  as  governors 
and  as  officers  remained  essentially  Spaniards,  while 
the  native-born  whites,  like  the  native-born  mesti- 
zos, held  an  inferior  rank  in  the  social  caste  system. 
These  Creoles  developed  throughout  Latin  America 
a  distinctive  method  of  thought.  Back  of  them  were 
the  long  history  of  Spain,  the  Roman  laws,  the 
Catholic  Church,  Latin  cultural  ideals.  There  were 
Spanish  pride  and  Spanish  individualism  and  Span- 
ish grandeur,  but  through  them  all  shone  and 
shines  to-day  a  wide-swept  spirit  of  separateness,  a 
lordly  affection  for  the  land  of  their  birth,  a  paternal 
bond,  almost  like  that  of  a  family,  with  the  Indian. 

The  white  man  of  Mexico  who  is  in  exile  to-day 
in  the  United  States  and  in  Europe  is  homesick, 
not  for  the  cities  and  the  hills  of  Spain,  but  for  the 

26 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

towering  mountains,  the  broad  plateaus,  and  the 
eternal  summer  of  Mexico.  These  men  and  women 
are  part  of  Mexico  while  they  are  at  the  same  time 
part  of  the  white  culture  of  Spain,  just  as  the  true 
American  of  the  United  States  is,  although  Amer- 
ican, a  part  of  the  white  culture  of  England. 

It  is  not  this  modern  Creole  to  whom  is  to  be 
traced  the  origin  of  the  mixed  bloods  of  Mexico, 
moreover.  Save  for  the  inevitable  mesalliances 
which  come  between  the  youths  of  different  races 
in  any  land  where  there  is  close  contact,  there  is 
not  to-day  any  great  infusion  of  Creole  blood  into 
the  native  strain.  The  origin  of  the  mestizo  goes 
back  to  the  very  deliberate  amalgamation  with  the 
Indian  which  may  be  considered,  in  a  way,  as  an 
actual  ideal  of  the  original  Spanish  colonists.  Fired 
with  religious  zeal  for  conversions,  encouraged  by 
the  Spanish  Crown  in  the  contraction  of  legal  and 
even  illegal  marriages  and  in  the  breeding  of  sons 
to  be  educated  to  carry  on  the  rule  of  Spain  in  the 
New  World,  the  forming  of  the  mixed-breed  castes 
was  far  more  than  a  mere  series  of  indiscretions  by 
the  soldiers  of  the  conquerors. 

Spain  herself  had  outlived  many  invasions  and 
in  absorbing  the  blood  of  her  enemies,  from  the 
Roman  soldiers  down  to  the  Moors,  had  gained 
many  of  the  characteristics  which  made  her  great. 
Thus  the  conquerors  came  to  Mexico  with  a  mixture 
of  bloods  and  heritages  which  may  be  justly  re- 
garded as  a  primary  cause  of  their  idea  of  assimilat- 
ing the  Indians  by  breeding  with  them.  But  these 
old  strains,  mingled  in  Spain,  did  not  have  the 

27 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

chaotic  results  which  their  own  mingling  with  the 
Indian  brought  to  Mexico.  The  reason  is  simple 
and  is  now  definitely  recognized.  The  peoples  which 
met  in  Spain  were  not  of  greatly  different  type; 
all  were  of  the  white  or  closely  allied  races,  and 
the  union  of  each  new  strain  produced,  at  first, 
more  virile  peoples  than  the  parent  stems  were 
creating.  In  Mexico,  however,  the  race  with  which 
the  white  Spaniards  sought  to  merge  was  farther 
away  from  their  own  than  any  other  that  could 
have  been  found.  The  result  was  what  could  now 
be  anticipated,  a  people  inheriting  the  worst  traits 
of  both  and  burying  the  virtues  of  both  deep  be- 
neath the  skins  darkening  ever  to  the  lower  type, 
with  minds  which  do  not  seek  even  the  natural 
goods  of  the  poorer  of  the  two  elements. 

The  two  great  races,  then,  have  formed  not  only 
the  background  of  the  psychology  of  Mexico  to-day, 
but  have  been  themselves  largely  affected  by  the 
combination  which  has  resulted  from  their  physical 
union.  Working  upon  those  factors,  however,  was 
and  is  yet  another — the  Mexican  environment. 

Few  lands  are  more  definite  in  their  physical 
contour,  few  are  more  powerful  in  the  force  of 
climate.  This  environment  has  worked  on  Indian 
and  white  and  mestizo,  but  upon  the  Indian  it  has 
acted  for  unnumbered  generations,  fashioning  the 
race  type  into  its  definite  forms,  a  genuinely  con- 
structive force,  just  as  a  sculptor's  chisel  upon  his 
marble  is  a  constructive  force.  Upon  the  white 
man,  however,  the  environment  has  been  acting 
but  four  hundred  years,  definite,  powerful,  indeed, 

28 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

but  utterly  destructive,  breaking  down  those  vir- 
tues, those  ingrained  qualities  which  he  brought 
with  him  from  the  cradle  in  which  he  was  himself 
nurtured  for  his  own  unnumbered  generations. 

No  man  can  know,  even  as  he  looks  into  his  own 
heart,  of  the  influence  of  earth  and  sky  and  water, 
of  mountains  and  of  sea  upon  his  soul  and  its  de- 
velopment. Buckle  found  in  the  unscalable  heights 
of  the  Himalayas  the  source  of  the  hopeless  philoso- 
phy of  the  Eastern  Indian,  and  in  the  easily  con- 
quered mountains  of  Europe  the  urge  and  the 
confidence  which  drove  the  white  man  to  world 
mastery.  The  mountains  of  Mexico,  the  vast  up- 
heaval of  the  backbone  of  the  land,  the  appalling 
deserts  in  the  north,  the  dank  jungles  in  the  south 
have  a  definite  effect,  to-day,  upon  the  foreigners 
who  travel  there  and  upon  those  who  live  there. 
It  seems  that  they  must  have  had  a  tremendous, 
unceasing  influence  upon  the  Indian  races  to  whom 
those  mountains,  those  deserts  and  those  jungles 
were  all  their  outlook  and  their  life  from  the  days 
of  their  first  ancestors. 

Of  the  climate  which  is  in  great  part  the  result 
of  that  very  physical  contour,  there  is  something 
more  definite  to  say.  It  is  a  cruel  climate,  despite 
its  tropical  luxuriance,  and  it  is  cruel  to  the  Indians 
as  well  as  to  the  whites.  Inadequate  rainfall  makes 
the  raising  of  crops  difficult,  save  in  sections  where 
altitudes  or  humidity  or  heat  are  equally  powerful 
depressants.  Mexico  lies  chiefly  in  the  tropics;  her 
most  salubrious  sections  are  at  a  height  of  a  mile 
or  more  above  the  level  of  the  sea;  and  nervousness 

29 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

or  apathy  are  the  frequent  results  of  heat  and  alti- 
tude. Physical  and  mental  vitality  are  at  low  ebb, 
and  sickness  stalks  the  land,  in  good  years  and  bad, 
while  uncertain  rainfall  brings  famine  again  and 
again  to  a  people  whose  climate  is  ever  inviting 
them  to  ease  and  laxity.  Few  Mexicans  are  really 
well,  and  undernourishment,  nervous  and  digestive 
diseases  ravage  the  country  through  winter  and 
summer,  through  war  and  peace.1 

The  factors  of  race  and  climate  are  the  matrix 
and  the  mold  of  all  humanity.  No  people  show 
more  clearly  than  the  Mexicans  the  influence  of 
both  in  those  strange  ways  of  human  alchemy  which 
interact  in  the  creation  of  that  phase  which  we  call 
temperament. 

To  the  formation  of  the  Mexican  temperament 
there  have  been  brought  not  only  the  direct  forces 
of  race  and  climate,  but  certain  powerful  secondary 
factors  of  the  social  system  which  those  two  have 
built.  Of  all  these,  perhaps  the  most  potent  is  the 
isolation  which  separated  the  three  races  and  the 
various  castes  and  classes  through  old  time  and 
continue  to  separate  them  to-day.  The  white  Creole 
of  Mexico  only  partially  understands  the  Indian 
mind,  and  if  anything  the  mestizo  understands  the 
Indian  less  than  does  the  more  cultured  white. 
On  his  part,  the  Indian  understands  neither  the 
white  man  (whom  he  calls  strange  names  which 
have  lost  their  original  significance  and  mean  merely 

1  The  climate  and  health  conditions  of  Mexico  are  treated  more 
fully  in  the  author's  "The  People  of  Mexico",  Book  I,  chapter  v, 
and  Book  II,  chapter  i. 

30 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

opprobrium  and  hatred)  nor  the  mestizo,  whom  he 
looks  down  upon  as  a  half-breed,  and  calls  a 
"  coyote." 

The  culture  of  each  element  is  strange  to  the 
other,  and  even  the  mestizo,  with  the  chaotic 
mixture  of  white  and  red  traditions  and  instincts 
which  is  his  cross,  considers  himself  as  a  being 
apart,  broader  in  his  wisdom  of  the  practical  world 
of  his  own  people.  He  expects  no  one  to  under- 
stand him  and  resents  the  most  casual  suggestion 
that  he  has  anything  to  learn.  The  Indian  lives  in 
a  realm  of  his  own,  silent,  half-thinking,  perhaps. 
Moving  side  by  side  with  his  mestizo  and  white 
brothers,  he  might  be  all  the  thousands  of  miles 
away  from  them  which  his  instincts  and  traditions 
indicate. 

All  this  may  seem  fantastic  and  exaggerated  to  us, 
but  if  we  realize  that  this  condition  exists  in  the 
United  States  to-day,  and  that  the  thoughts  of 
the  negro  freed-men  hardly  ever  wander  into  the 
realm  of  things  which  occupy  even  the  most 
meagerly  trained  white  minds,  we  need  not  seek  any 
other  examples  to  explain  or  to  vivify  this  fact  of 
racial  isolation. 

So  with  the  great  extremes  of  poverty  and  com- 
fort. In  no  land  in  the  world  is  there  a  greater 
contrast  between  the  hopeless  misery  of  the  lowly 
and  the  mere  comfort  of  the  well-to-do.  All  the 
forms  of  psychological  isolation  are  present  in 
Mexico,  all  the  walls  which  shut  men  away  and 
apart  from  one  another  and  create  those  conflicts 
in  the  unity  of  the  whole  which  are  the  tragedy  of 

31 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

all  social  history.  Yet  in  that  isolation  there  is 
still  group  relationship,  still  the  working,  by  what- 
ever devious  ways,  of  the  various  elements  upon 
one  another  and  upon  the  other  groups  of  race  or 
caste  or  wealth. 

Perhaps  the  most  significant  development  in  the 
individual  through  this  group  conflict  has  been  the 
appearance  of  imitation  as  an  outstanding  mental 
and  temperamental  characteristic  of  the  Mexicans. 
The  search  of  each  lower  group  for  the  springs  of 
authority  hi  the  higher  have  led  to  a  worship  of 
authority  and  a  system  of  imitation  of  authority 
which  have  affected  both  individual  and  group  life 
to  an  astonishing  degree. 

Indeed,  all  foreigners  who  have  been  successful 
in  the  training  of  Mexican  workers  have  begun 
with  imitation  and  have  sought  to  develop  their 
proteges  from  imitation  into  some  semblance  of 
originality,  using  the  fact  that  their  imitation  is 
reproductive  rather  than  assimilative.  A  peon 
carpenter,  for  instance,  will  create  a  piece  of  furni- 
ture from  a  photograph  in  an  illustrated  magazine 
where  he  would  find  himself  absolutely  baffled  in 
an  attempt  to  assimilate  by  example  or  through 
description  the  creative  process  of  the  original 
maker  of  the  article.  The  experience  of  the 
National  Railways  of  Mexico  in  the  training  of 
skilled  native  mechanics  by  careful  instruction 
where  apprenticeship  under  foreign  workmen  had 
been  a  virtual  failure  is  a  striking  example  of  this 
phase  of  Mexican  thought. 

Even  the  upper  classes  are  imitators  of  things 
32 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

European  and  American.  The  French  fashions 
affected  by  the  women  of  Mexico  are  essentially 
impractical  for  the  Mexican  climate,  but  they  are 
followed  with  an  unadapting,  doglike  subservience 
unknown  to  the  women  of  any  other  nation.  The 
culture,  too,  of  the  upper  class  is  Spanish  or  an 
imitation  of  the  French,  and  the  influence  of 
European  artistic  standards  has  always  been  a 
serious  drawback  to  the  development  of  native  arts. 

Politically,  the  imitative  quality  of  Mexican 
temperament  has  led  to  strange  developments 
of  government.  One  of  the  severest  criticisms 
which  is  made  against  Mexican  statesmen,  past 
and  present,  is  their  imitation  of  foreign  politi- 
cal forms,  rather  than  their  adaptation  of  them 
to  the  needs  of  the  Mexican  people.  The  constitu- 
tions of  Mexico  have  all  been  imitations  of  foreign 
types,  mostly  American,  and  the  socialistic  docu- 
ment of  1917  was  of  far  greater  interest  to  the 
radicals  of  Germany,  France  and  the  United  States 
than  it  was  to  the  Mexicans  whom  it  purported  to 
benefit. 

In  business,  also,  the  Mexican  shows  a  decided 
tendency  to  imitation.  A  Mexican  is  inherently 
opposed  to  embarking  on  a  venture  which  is  either 
new  to  him  or  new  to  the  country.  Foreigners, 
therefore,  have  been  allowed  to  take  the  lead  in 
practically  all  industrial  progress,  after  which 
Mexican  capitalists  and  business  men  have  fol- 
lowed with  similar  enterprises. 

Innate  conservatism  is  yet  another  controlling 
element  in  the  Mexican,  and  particularly  in  the 

33 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Indian,  temperament.  But  one  idea  at  a  time 
seems  able  to  possess  his  mind,  and  when  he 
changes  his  opinion,  it  is  not  necessarily  because  he 
has  weighed  the  two  plans  against  each  other,  but 
because  the  new  idea  has  crowded  out  the  old 
simply  by  displacing  it  upon  the  track  of  his  mind. 
It  often  seems  as  if  in  no  other  race  were  there  such 
stubbornness  and  adherence  to  ancient  practice, 
incomprehensible  to  the  outsider  and  yet  a  force 
which  has  to  be  recognized  and  dealt  with  hi  every 
contact  with  the  people.  The  Indian's  reasoning 
power  is  influenced  and  seems  indeed  dominated 
by  this  conservatism.  Witness  the  story  of  the 
Indian  who  for  years  continued  planting  a  plot  of 
ground  which  was  subject  to  floods  which  year  after 
year  destroyed  his  crop, — because  he  had  once  got 
a  famously  rich  return  from  that  bit  of  property. 
The  recognition  and  acceptance  of  authority, 
the  desire  to  have  another  take  the  responsibility 
of  choice,  is  a  trait  of  temperament  linked  closely 
with  imitation  and  conservatism.  The  Indian  is 
happiest  when  he  has  a  real  jefe  (or  chief),  but  he 
demands  sincerity  or  the  appearance  of  it  in  those 
to  whose  authority  he  looks,  although  if  sincerity 
calls  for  a  show  of  weakness  in  withdrawal  from  a 
position  once  taken,  authority  quickly  loses  its 
power.  Fidelity  to  a  master  and  devotion  to  the 
master's  cause  may  be  said  to  be  characteristic, — 
if  the  master  and  the  cause  maintain  their  position 
and  dominate  the  native  respect.  Childlike  as  the 
Indian  is  in  so  many  ways,  in  none  does  he  demon- 
strate it  more  completely  than  in  his  real  love  for 

34 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

the  strong,  even  the  harsh,  hand,  if  his  shrewd 
appraisal  assures  him  that  that  firmness  is  based 
upon  fairness  and  a  "  square  deal." 

It  is  perhaps  this  same  intellectual  valuation 
which  makes  the  typical  Mexican  thought  process 
so  personal.  The  Mexican  at  work  can  be  handled 
with  ease  and  efficiency  if  the  personal  side  is  taken 
care  of,  but  if  it  is  neglected  he  will  shirk  and  no 
bullying  or  force  will  drive  him  on. 

The  Indian  from  his  savage  personalism  and  the 
mestizo  from  the  defensiveness  which  is  characteris- 
tic have  developed  a  keenness  and  cunning  which 
nurture  the  suspicion  which  also  colors  their 
thought  processes.  There  are  many  towns  in  one's 
travels  over  Mexico  which  object  to  harboring  a 
stranger  even  for  a  single  night.  An  offer  of  money 
for  entertainment  is  very  likely  to  arouse  immediate 
opposition,  not  because  there  is  any  objection  to 
money  in  return  for  hospitality,  but  because  the 
natives  cannot  understand  why  anyone  should 
come  to  them  with  money  unless  he  has  designs 
against  them.  Cunning  themselves  and  prone  to 
take  advantage,  they  are  naturally  afraid  of  the 
stranger.  They  suspect  new  forms  of  taxation; 
they  fear  being  forced  into  military  service  or  that 
they  may  be  carried  to  work  on  distant  plantations. 
This  suspicion  is  not  manifested  solely  toward 
white  men,  for  there  are  long-standing  feuds  be- 
tween tribes  and  villages  of  their  own  people. 

A  Mexican  will  not  always  trust  another  Mexican 
with  a  secret,  either  personal  or  business,  even 
though  he  knows  him  well.  He  prefers,  when  he 

35 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

knows  foreigners,  to  confide  in  an  American  or 
Englishman.  This  is  manifested  in  the  real  lack 
of  cooperation  in  business  and  social  enterprises, 
where  suspicion  of  their  fellows  takes  extremely 
definite  form. 

This  suspicion,  this  lack  of  cooperation,  seems  to 
permeate  Mexican  psychology.  The  story  is  told 
of  Villa,  the  bandit  " general",  that  he  trusted  no 
one,  and  when  he  had  gone  alone  into  the  country 
with  a  faithful  companion,  he  would  separate  from 
that  companion  before  carrying  out  the  definite 
purpose  of  his  trip.  The  first  night  alone  he  in- 
variably built  a  camp  fire  and  then  rode  away  from 
it  into  the  hills  or  the  brush  to  throw  this  faithful 
friend  off  the  track,  in  case  he  had  taken  it  into  his 
head  to  follow. 

At  base,  this  suspicion  is  one  of  the  great  charac- 
teristics of  the  Mexican  temperament,  rather  than 
merely  a  kink  in  the  process  of  reasoning.  It  is  the 
heritage  of  temperament  from  the  long  processes 
of  indirect  thinking, — in  other  words,  of  intellectual 
dishonesty. 

The  lie  stands  out  as  one  of  the  flaming  charac- 
teristics of  the  Mexican.  Of  all  the  unhappy 
tendencies  of  his  life,  this  taken  alone  would  of 
itself  explain  almost  all  of  the  misfortunes  of 
Mexico  as  a  nation  and  of  the  Mexicans  as  individ- 
uals. Upon  this  characteristic  we  need  not  judge 
from  a  purely  foreign  viewpoint;  Mexicans  them- 
selves have  written  and  talked  of  it.  One  of  the 
great  students  of  his  people  has  expressed  it  in  these 
words : 

36 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

The  evil  which  has  tainted  all  our  social  life,  the  microbe 
which  has  been  weakening  our  organism,  and  which  if  we  do 
not  definitely  attack  it,  will  finish  by  destroying  Mexico,  is 
the  lie. 

Many  will  perhaps  laugh  at  this  conclusion,  announced  with 
so  much  formality,  because  unfortunately  we  ourselves  have 
reached  the  point  of  minimizing  that  infirmity,  of  making  a 
joke  of  it,  or  taking  it  lightly.  We  are  able  informally  to 
cast  it  aside,  and  in  a  moment  of  good  humor  to  say  to  a  friend 
that  he  lies,  and  he  laughs  and  all  who  hear  us  laugh. 

In  the  United  States  the  word  "lie"  cannot  be  used  as  a  joke, 
as  in  Mexico  there  are  words  which  cannot  be  used  as  a  joke, 
because  they  touch  the  foundations  of  susceptibility.  This 
Anglo-American  susceptibility  to  the  word  "lie  ",  imported  from 
England,  symbolizes  a  great  moral  step  in  the  elevation  of 
character.  It  is  not  that  the  Anglo-American  or  the  English- 
man is  not  accustomed  to  lying;  it  is  that  they  hold  the  lie 
to  be  the  worst  of  degradations,  and  if  they  incur  it,  they 
cannot  endure  having  others  discover  that  they  harbor  that 
loathsome  perversion.  ...  It  is  necessary  to  feel  oneself  high 
and  strong  indeed  to  adopt  the  truth  as  a  line  of  conduct; 
but  at  the  same  time  the  truth  prevents  our  allowing  our 
pride  to  seduce  us,  for  it  places  us  ever  in  the  presence  of 
reality,  which  is  the  whole  world  of  our  conditions  and  our 
limitations,  and  brings  to  us  the  sensation  of  being  atoms  in 
all  that  does  not  touch  our  dignity.1 

The  lie,  or  rather  the  living  lie  of  lack  of  unity 
between  the  professions  and  actuality,  has  played 
its  part  in  every  phase  of  Mexican  history  and  plays 
it  forever  in  the  mazes  of  Mexican  psychology. 
There  are  many  failures  in  the  understanding  of  the 
foreigner  and  the  Mexican,  but  the  lack  of  appre- 
ciation of  this  solemn  fact  of  the  disparity  between 
words  and  deeds  goes  deeper  than  any  other.  We 

1T.  Esquivel  Obregon,  "La  Influencia  de  Espana  y  EE.UU. 
sobre  Mexico,"  Casa  Editorial  Calleja,  Madrid,  1918,  pages  95-97. 

37 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

seek  to  arouse  in  the  Mexican  that  sense  of  truth 
which  has  been  ingrained  into  us — and  we  fail;  and 
unless  we  learn  better,  we  never  know  why  it  is 
that  we  fail. 

Now,  lying  and  deceit,  as  the  passage  quoted 
above  indicates,  are  not  particularly  grievous  crimes 
to  the  Mexican  mind.  We  appeal  to  truth  and  we 
do  not  get  it,  and  that  is  all,  unless  we  become  nasty 
about  it.  But  there  are  other  words,  indeed,  that 
have  their  deep  meaning  to  the  Mexican.  And  one 
of  these  is  the  word  "  shameless." 

As  a  curse,  nothing  is  a  deeper  insult  than  telling 
a  Mexican  that  he  is  sinverguen?a  or  shameless. 
Here  we  touch  the  root  of  a  characteristic  of  the 
Mexican  temperament  which  is  peculiarly  his  own. 
Honor  and  dignity  are  the  prized  virtues,  even 
though  honor  may  to  us  seem  a  trifle  empty  without 
truth.  Still,  " honor"  is  a  great  idea  and  a  great 
shibboleth  even  to  the  mestizo  who  will  steal  your 
last  cent  and  tell  you  smilingly  to  your  face  that  he 
has  never  been  within  half  a  mile  of  you  or  your 
property.  It  is  even  a  noble  word  to  the  soldier, 
who  will  not  quit  before  action,  but  will  retire  in 
the  midst  of  battle,  in  order  to  save  his  honor, 
which  would  be  wronged  indeed  if  he  remained  to  be 
beaten.  For  honor  to  the  Mexican  means  prestige; 
and  cheating  in  games,  in  war  and  hi  business  is  to 
him  but  the  maintaining  of  his  honor, — his  prestige 
and  prowess. 

Neither  lying  nor  honor,  for  that  matter,  have 
very  much  relationship  to  the  religious  ideals  of 
the  people,  and  here  the  Mexican  temperament 

38 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

differs  radically  from  most  others.  The  ethical 
side  of  religion  is  almost  lightly  regarded,  and  the 
function  of  the  Church  is  chiefly,  to  the  average 
Mexican  mind,  to  furnish  manners  and  to  sanctify 
certain  important  functions  of  life,  as  birth,  death 
and  marriage.  The  so-called  " religious"  wars  of 
the  early  nineteenth  century  were  concerned  not  at 
all  with  the  religious  question,  but  solely  with  the 
right  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  to  enjoy  the 
revenues  it  once  paid  the  king.  Many  of  the  traits 
of  temperament  and  character  which  are  being 
listed  here  will  come  up  in  other  sections  for  dis- 
cussion, but  the  question  of  religion,  even  to  the 
question  of  morality,  belongs  exclusively  on  the 
plane  of  ingrained  temperament. 

Religion,  so  far  as  it  was  a  factor  before  the 
introduction  of  Protestantism  about  fifty  years  ago, 
was  a  utilitarian  measure,  accepted  as  having  little 
to  do  with  the  relations  of  men  to  each  other,  and 
hardly  more  with  their  relation  to  Deity.  The 
Mexican  is  by  temperament  emotional,  but  he  is 
not  very  much  concerned  with  either  of  the  "  great 
commandments"  which  touch  upon  man's  relation- 
ship to  his  fellows  and  to  his  god.  As  we  shall  see, 
those  are  factors  which  belong  on  planes  of  social 
psychology  to  which  the  mass  of  the  Mexican  people 
have  not  yet  attained.1 

The  emotional  phases  of  the  Mexican  tempera- 
ment are  perhaps  best  described  as  being  essentially 
on  the  emotional  plane  as  such,  and  hardly  at  all 

1  See  chapter  ix,  "The  Mexican  Crowd,"  and  chapter  xi,  "The 
National  Ideals." 

39 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

attaining  to  the  rank  of  sentiment.  Humanity's 
animal  inheritances — fear,  self-assertion,  sex  and 
greed — are  all  developed  to  their  fullest  in  the 
Mexican,  and  indeed  so  strong  are  they  that  it  is 
to  their  gratification,  and  to  their  original  stimula- 
tion, for  that  matter,  that  most  of  the  forces  of 
the  ordinary  Mexican  intellect  are  devoted. 

The  self-seeking,  destructive  concentration  upon 
personal  ends,  which  so  often  seems  to  be  the  over- 
whelming factor  of  Mexican  thought-life,  has  roots 
far  back  in  the  temperament  of  its  individuals.  It 
was  inherited  from  the  Spaniard,  perhaps,  but  was 
intensified  by  the  Indian,  whose  communism  is 
after  all  but  the  group  cohesion  found  equally  in  a 
pack  of  wolves  or  a  herd  of  sheep.  Hope  of  per- 
sonal gain  furnishes  the  mainspring  for  such  en- 
deavor as  the  Mexican  puts  forth.  And  yet  when 
we  find  ourselves  making  such  sweeping  condemna- 
tion, memory  brings  up  a  thousand  examples  of  true 
altruism,  shining  through  the  clouds  of  personal 
selfishness.  Devotion  there  was  in  the  leaders  of 
the  land,  during  the  Diaz  epoch  at  least,  and 
devotion  there  has  been  in  the  unselfish  heroism  of 
many  Mexican  individuals.  We  can  never  forget 
that  Juan  Garcia  (a  name  comparable  in  its  lack 
of  identity  to  our  English  John  Jones)  of  Nacosari, 
a  railway  engineman,  who  deliberately  hitched  his 
locomotive  to  a  burning  train  of  dynamite  and 
drove  at  full  speed  until  he  was  far  away  from  the 
town,  so  that  the  explosion  which  would  have 
wrecked  hundreds  of  houses  and  killed  thousands 
of  people  found  him  as  its  only,  its  deliberate  vic- 

40 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

tim.  But  these  are  the  glorious  exceptions,  the 
rift  of  light  which,  like  the  rainbow  after  the  storm, 
gives  promise  of  what  may  yet  be,  and  which, 
through  the  devotion  of  just  such  men,  and  of  them 
alone,  may  in  actuality  yet  come  to  characterize 
Mexico. 

But  for  all  this  altruism  and  this  concentration 
upon  self  as  well,  there  is  apathy.  Forever  the 
lack  of  ambition  for  aught  save  idleness;  forever 
the  promise  of  "manana  "  and  the  great  things  of  the 
morrow, — these  drag  upon  the  wheels  of  such  prog- 
ress as  might  be.  Race,  climate,  food,  perhaps 
explain  it  all,  but  apathy  remains,  an  infirmity  of 
the  will,  an  inability  to  stir  out  of  that  helpless 
drifting  which,  when  there  is  no  reasoned  purpose, 
is  all  there  is  of  human  volition.  Apathy  remains, 
outstanding  as  a  characteristic  of  Mexico,  a  part 
of  that  choice  which,  after  all,  is  the  beginning  and 
the  end  of  those  things  which  create  and  support 
the  standards  of  living  and  thinking  which  are 
themselves  our  temperament. 

These,  briefly,  are  the  factors  of  Mexican  tem- 
perament which  have  grown  from  Mexican  tradi- 
tions and  Mexican  thinking.  But  these  traditions 
and  thought-processes  loom  behind  and  beyond 
temperament,  and  still  beyond  is  the  group  life 
which  is  the  truest  indication  of  thought  and  feeling. 
Temperament  is  indeed  the  crystallized  thought  of 
generations,  but  the  thinking  of  to-day  is  more 
vitally  important,  and  the  decisions  of  to-morrow 
will  affect  us  and  the  world  more  vitally. 

From  the  subject  of  temperament  our  observa- 
.     41 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

tion  branches  out  into  varied  fields,  to  tradition 
and  culture  and  play,  and  to  the  processes  of 
thought  and  emotion  and  then  at  last  to  the  action 
of  the  group.  To  our  eyes  when  we  have  lived 
in  Mexico,  or  to  our  ears  when  we  have  never  seen 
her,  they  have  come  through  the  medium  of  our 
own  prejudices,  of  our  experiences.  We  are  in- 
clined to  judge  them  with  a  firm  Anglo-Saxon  as- 
surance that  they  sprang  from  the  same  states  of 
mind  which  would  have  created  them  hi  us. 

Herein  lies  perhaps  our  greatest  error  in  all  our 
study  of  Mexico.  As  we  picture  them,  the  com- 
munities of  Mexico  are  New  England  or  English, 
Welsh  or  Scottish  villages,  their  life  some  sort  of 
undeveloped  English,  or  at  most  French,  cycle  of 
birth  and  growth  and  death.  We  conceive  the 
Mexicans  as  hiding  beneath  brown  skins  minds 
much  like  our  own  and  valuing  such  abstractions 
as  liberty  and  financial  independence  much  as  we  do. 
We  compare  the  Mexican  revolutions  to  the  up- 
surgences  of  our  English  forebears,  seeking  the  right 
to  live  and  to  enjoy  their  beloved  freedom.  It  is 
thus  that  we  seek  to  interpret  all  the  manifestations 
of  Mexican  politics,  to  explain  all  the  unpleasant 
features  of  Latin-American  demagogy.  It  is  be- 
cause of  this  that  we  believe  all  which  is  told  us 
of  the  idealistic  Teachings  of  the  poor  down- 
trodden Mexican  for  the  things  which  have  been 
written  in  our  hearts  but  which  the  Mexican  pro- 
tagonists use  but  as  words  and  symbols. 

But  this  we  cannot  do,  if  we  truly  and  honestly 
wish  to  see  Mexico  clear.  It  is  doubtless  true,  as 

42 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

scientific  psychologists  have  long  since  told  us, 
that  the  various  races  of  men,  the  various  ages  of 
men  think  in  the  same  way;  that  the  same  waves 
of  consciousness  break  the  monotony  of  the  surface 
of  the  mental  sea  of  all  men.  But  it  is  not  true 
that  the  same  sequence  of  impressions  follow  upon 
equal  stimulus  in  the  minds  of  Frenchman,  Amer- 
ican, Indian  and  Mexican.  And  most  decidedly  it  is 
not  true  that  the  various  races  or  the  various  nations 
place  the  same  values  upon  the  good  things  of  life  or 
upon  the  various  virtues  of  the  common  human  mind. 
What  is  worth  while  to  a  European  is  very  likely 
to  seem  utterly  preposterous  and  useless  to  a 
Thibetan  or  to  a  Persian  or  to  a  Mexican  Indian. 
The  most  thoughtless  of  us  will  readily  admit  that 
the  things  which  the  Mexican  Indian  or  the  Persian 
values  are  preposterous  in  our  eyes.  Our  failure  is 
in  not  recognizing  that  the  situation  is  the  same 
when  the  Indian  or  Persian  regards  those  things 
which  for  us,  on  our  plane,  are  the  most  worth 
while  of  all  the  gifts  of  the  gods. 

Let  us,  then,  look  at  the  Mexican  from  his  own 
standpoint.  Let  us  take  the  indices  of  his  thought- 
life  as  they  are  presented  to  our  observation  and  see, 
not  what  we  ourselves  would  feel  to  create  such 
activities,  but  what  the  Mexican  feels  and  thinks. 
Therein  we  shall  find  ground  upon  which  to  rest 
our  mental  feet. 

One  other  phase  of  Mexico  on  which  we  are  likely 
to  be  led  astray  is  the  question  of  the  mestizo 
psychology.  The  vast  majority  of  the  Mexicans 
are  of  mixed  breed,  Spanish  and  Indian,  and  this 

43 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

confusion  of  bloods  has  wrought  an  appalling  con- 
fusion in  the  minds  of  these  struggling  millions. 
As  noted  at  the  opening  of  this  chapter,  their  pitiful 
effort  has  been  to  convince  the  world  that  they  have 
created  a  "new  race", a  wonderful  new  people,  with 
the  intelligence  of  the  Spaniard  and  the  endurance 
of  the  Indian.  To  us  as  we  watch  them  the  only 
result  of  the  mixture  is  the  conflict,  the  weakness 
and  the  ineptitude  of  the  half-breed  type  in  every 
race. 

It  has  become  something  of  a  custom  among  ob- 
servers of  the  Mexicans  to  explain  all  that  is  dif- 
ficult to  understand  on  the  ground  that  it  is  the 
"  half-breed  cropping  out."  With  this  the  serious 
student  need  have  no  traffic.  Half-breedism,  under 
the  modern  conception  of  racial  inheritances,  is 
significant  chiefly  in  the  selections  which  it  makes, 
physically  and  mentally,  from  the  parent  stems. 
Here  and  here  alone  its  conflict  and  chaos  are 
manifest.  The  half-breed's  failure  is  in  his  almost 
inevitable  habit  of  selecting  the  worst  traits  of  both 
his  ancestors  and  burying  their  virtues  so  deep 
that  even  his  distant  descendants  never  unearth 
them.  This  tendency  is  a  physical  fact,  and  its 
effect  on  the  national  psychology  is  to  emphasize 
the  importance  of  the  race  divisions  rather  than  to 
give  us  ground  for  eliminating  the  idea  of  race 
from  our  observation. 

For  this  reason,  little  will  be  found  in  these  pages 
to  comfort  the  rabid  Indiophile  or  the  sentimental 
distorter  of  the  sound  expressions  of  modern 
anthropology  as  set  forth  by  such  scholars  as 

44 


THE  MEXICAN  TEMPERAMENT 

Madison  Grant  and  Lothrop  Stoddard.1  Half- 
breedism  is  not  of  itself  the  significant  thing, 
any  more  than  it  is  the  great  racial  crime.  The 
significant  element  is  the  tendency  which  half- 
breedism  brings  into  the  higher  race  group,  the 
tendency  downward  to  the  worst  of  the  lower  race 
which  is  brought  into  the  citadel  of  racial  purity. 

Let  us  go  forward  then,  free  to  see  the  Mexican 
as  he  is,  and  let  us  not  gloss  over  the  facts  of  his 
racial  and  psychological  tendencies  by  lumping 
them  under  an  easy  label  of  "half -breedism." 
Mexico  is  Indian  and  she  is  Spanish;  her  mestizos 
have  harmed  her  only  in  that  they  have  weakened 
the  higher  element  without  adding  strength  to  the 
lower.  The  red  line  of  race  runs  clear,  through 
all  the  tangled  web  of  psychology,  as  it  runs 
through  the  heaving  bulk  of  all  human  activity  in 
Mexico. 

1  Cf.  Madison  Grant,  "The  Passing  of  the  Great  Race,"  New 
York,  1916,  and  Lothrop  Stoddard,  "The  Rising  Tide  of  Color," 
New  York,  1920. 


45 


CHAPTER  III 

SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

yoke  of  custom  lies  upon  the  Mexican  with 
-*•  a  weight  almost  inexplicable  to  the  American 
or  European.  The  harness  of  past  ages  binds  him 
from  the  cradle  to  the  grave  and  waits  grimly  upon 
his  children  and  his  children's  children.  No  single 
fact  of  life  or  of  psychology  is  so  permeating. 
Custom  rules  in  the  very  highest  classes  of  Mexican 
society  and  it  utterly  dominates  the  life  of  the 
lowest.  The  Mexican  mind  works  from  tradition 
as  its  primary  basis,  and  the  traditions  which  in- 
fluence the  Mexican's  daily  life  are  unchanging. 
In  lands  of  different  blood  and  newer  culture  the 
traditions  of  the  crowd  may  change  from  day  to 
day;  there  are  newspapers,  there  are  the  changing 
standards  of  civilization,  the  advances  of  govern- 
ment, new  and  pleasant  novelties  which  tempt  the 
taste  and  influence  the  mind.  In  Mexico  there  is  no 
change;  the  standards  of  a  thousand  years  ago 
are  the  standards  by  which  the  Indian  mind  judges 
the  events  of  to-day;  the  standards  of  mediaeval 
Spain  are  still  the  standards  of  the  mestizos  and  the 
Creoles. 
The  psychology  of  the  Mexican  mind  depends 

upon  these  traditions.     Its  standards  of  value  are 

46 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

primarily  the  values  of  tradition;  its  relentless  logic, 
which  carries  it  from  any  premises,  true  or  false, 
to  inevitable  conclusions,  is  the  logic  of  tradition, 
inexorable  and  unquestioning.  This  tremendous 
force  of  tradition  in  Mexico  is  explicable  on  a 
ground  which  has  been  noted  above.  The  code 
of  life,  of  government,  of  law,  is  not  the  codified 
tradition  of  the  Indians  'who  predominate  in  the 
population,  but  of  their  Spanish  conquerors.  The 
crystallization  of  tradition  into  the  national  code 
which,  as  in  our  own  Anglo-Saxon  history,  has 
become  the  safety  valve  of  our  individual  as  well 
as  of  our  national  living,  is  almost  entirely  missing 
in  the  Mexican's  equipment  for  life.  His  traditions 
are  active  elements  in  all  his  mental  processes, 
which  in  large  part  again  accounts  for  our  dif- 
ficulty in  understanding  and  evaluating  his  dif- 
ficulties aright. 

With  us,  tradition  and  custom  are,  at  their  worst, 
but  products  of  the  bad  mental  habits  of  our 
ancestors.  In  Mexico  we  have  a  condition  anal- 
agous  to  the  primitive  peoples  who  actually  live 
by  the  tribal  oracles  and  the  directions  of  medicine 
men  and  witches. 

The  Spanish  code  indeed  rules  in  government  and 
has  been  conformed  to  the  life  of  the  upper  classes 
and  to  the  life  which  they  have  so  long  and  so 
faithfully  sought  to  teach  the  Indians  and  lower 
mixed-bloods  to  accept.  But  the  Spanish  code 
fits  but  ill  the  life  and  the  climate  of  Mexico,  nor 
have  its  obvious  adaptations  been  adaptations  to 
the  real  life  and  spirit  of  Mexico  and  its  native 

47 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

races.  It  dominates  the  living  of  Mexico  without 
touching  the  life  of  Mexico,  as  when  the  Indian  is 
forced  to  wear  woolen  trowsers  (which  he  rents 
by  the  day)  in  the  towns  instead  of  the  white  cotton 
" pajamas"  to  which  he  returns  when  he  leaves  the 
city  gates. 

Thus  has  come  that  war  of  the  codified  tradition 
of  the  Spaniard  with  the  ingrained  customs  of  the 
Indians,  a  battle  that  is  at  the  very  heart  of  the 
cultural  chaos  and  psychological  confusion  of  the 
Mexican.  The  cohesive  qualities  which  in  other 
peoples  mix  with  moral  and  intellectual  tradition 
and  with  the  social  system  to  the  welding  of  a 
nation  out  of  a  wandering  people  have  been  utterly 
absent  from  Mexican  history,  and  the  unification 
of  the  Mexican  nation  has  come,  as  we  have  seen, 
from  the  homogeneity  pushed  down  upon  the 
Indians  and  conquerors  alike  by  the  social  system 
of  distant  Spain.  Whether  we  apply  to  Mexico  the 
test  of  the  dictum  of  Buckle  that  progress  in 
national  life  is  due  to  improvement  in  the  intel- 
lectual tradition  of  a  people,  or  Kidd's  contention 
that  it  is  due  to  the  improvement  in  the  morality 
of  a  people  we  meet  alike  the  same  unanswerable 
enigma,  the  absence  of  any  intellectual  or  moral 
tradition  (codified  tradition)  which  has  any  close 
relationship  to  racial  history  or  climatic  en- 
vironment. 

Thus,  while  the  laws  of  Mexico  are  Spanish,  the 
traditions  of  the  masses  are  Indian,  and  we  find 
two  basic  conceptions  affecting  all  the  stream  of 
tradition  which  makes  up  Mexican  life.  One  is 

48 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

the  deep  belief,  common  to  all  savage  peoples,  in 
the  ways  of  their  ancestors.  The  other  is  the 
communal  conception  of  life  and  the  communal 
standard  of  the  virtues  which  Spanish  individual- 
ism has  warped  and  changed  in  astonishing  ways. 

The  former  manifests  itself  in  the  inevitable 
answer  of  the  Mexican  of  the  lower  classes  to  any 
question  about  anything  which  he  may  find  himself 
doing:  "Es  la  costumbre"  ("It  is  the  custom "). 
The  other  has  its  most  important  and  significant 
survivals  upon  this  same  great  plane  of  custom. 

In  that  eternal  conformation  to  tradition  and 
reverence  for  custom,  there  stands  out  in  relief  one 
most  interesting  fact.  This  is  the  almost  total 
absence  of  any  truly  significant  folklore  and  the 
relatively  little  superstition.  Tradition  has  long 
since  given  up  the  transmission  from  father  to  son 
of  the  tales  of  great  chieftains  and  kings  and  wars 
and  glory,  and  to-day  no  Mexican  who  has  not  read 
it  in  books  knows  anything  of  the  history  of  his 
people  and  little  of  the  history  of  his  country. 
This  astonishing  condition,  found  elsewhere  among 
unlettered  peoples  only  in  the  lowest  races,  seems 
due  primarily  to  the  lack  of  imagination  which  is  so 
thoroughly  a  national  characteristic.  It  was  ag- 
gravated, however,  by  the  activities  of  the  mis- 
sionary priests  of  the  colonial  days,  who  destroyed 
so  much  of  the  written  history  of  Mexico  and  in 
then:  zeal  for  conversion  transmuted  virtually  every 
pagan  deity  into  a  Christian  saint.  To-day  the 
legends  old  mestizo  or  Indian  story-tellers  recount 
to  sympathetic  listeners  are  tales  of  the  early  days 

49 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

of  Spanish  Mexico,  and  almost  never,  so  far  as 
record  goes,  of  the  true  Indian  days.  The  precious 
legends  of  the  City  of  Mexico  are  all  concerned  with 
miracles  of  saints,  ghastly  crimes  and  avengirg 
ghosts,  and  one  and  all  are  placed  in  Spanish  colonial 
times.  And  when,  by  good  fortune  or  great  tact, 
one  can  get  a  country  Indian  to  recount  his  local 
legends,  one  finds  that  they  deal  with  the  sounding 
of  the  bells  of  acolytes  in  the  depths  of  mountains, 
with  the  wonderful  apparitions  which  have  been 
seen  by  holy  folk,  or  with  the  miraculous  appear- 
ances of  sacred  pictures  in  growing  trees  or  on 
ancient  rocks. 

Little  more  encouraging  to  the  antiquary  are  the 
superstitions  of  the  Mexicans.  These  are  many, 
some  delightfully  quaint  and  some  truly  beautiful, 
but  all  of  them  harking  back  more  to  Spanish 
tradition  than  to  native  spirit.  There  is  a  certain 
amount  of  witchcraft,  concerning  itself  chiefly  with 
the  casting  of  spells,  and  tiny  wax  images  are  sold 
to  the  faithful  with  proper  charms,  so  that  a  pin 
stuck  in  any  spot  in  the  anatomy  of  the  image 
will  be  reflected  in  the  discomfort  of  the  person 
bewitched, — all  forms  common  to  savage  peoples. 

As  for  any  truly  significant  tradition  (outside  the 
Church)  on  the  " supernatural"  plane,  it  simply 
does  not  exist,  and  a  heavy  sense  of  the  drab  com- 
monplace is  all  one  gains  in  the  search  for  any 
flash  of  imagination  among  the  superstitions  of  the 
native  Mexican. 

But  the  bonds  of  custom  remain,  for  custom  is 
the  dull  twin  brother  of  superstition,  and  its  bond- 

50 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

age  is  unrelieved  by  imagination  or  by  any  search 
for  freedom  from  its  toils.  It  touches  all  the  details 
of  Mexican  life,  the  very  plan  of  her  cities,  the  very 
architecture  of  their  houses,  the  dress  of  her  people, 
the  food  which  they  eat.1 

The  bond  of  custom  to  ancestral  precedent  holds 
primal  importance,  too,  in  the  ways  of  work  and 
in  the  procedure  of  business. 

To  this  day  the  children  of  a  carpenter  become 
carpenters;  the  sons  of  a  cargador  (the  public  porter 
or  carrier),  though  they  be  a  dozen  in  number, 
will  grow  up  to  be  cargadores.  This  is  still  truer  in 
the  native  industries  where  the  makers  of  rebosos 
and  baskets,  of  pottery  and  of  laces  follow  their 
fathers  and  mothers  in  the  ancient  family  trades. 
Inefficient  methods  of  work,  scorn  for  modern  con- 
veniences and  machinery,  even  the  fierce  opposition 
to  new  comforts  are  explained  sullenly  or  solemnly 
by  the  unanswerable  argument,  "Es  la  costumbre." 
An  Indian  will  load  one  of  the  side  baskets  on  the 
back  of  his  burro  with  grain  and  fill  the  other  with 
stones;  he  will  trot  to  market  with  a  load  of  pottery 
in  a  great  frame  upon  his  back  and  when  he  has 
sold  his  stock,  will  take  his  way  home  with  the 
frame  filled  with  a  load  of  stones;  and  to  all 
protests  he  will  reply  that  this  is  the  way  his 
fathers  did  before  him,  and  that  they  were  intelli- 
gent and  worthy  men. 

Sellers  of  American  steel  plows  in  Mexico  will 
argue  with  a  native  Indian  purchaser  on  the  merits 

1  Cf.  "The  People  of  Mexico,"  Part  II,  chapters  n,  v,  vi,  vn, 
vin,  and  ix. 

51 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

of  a  deep  blade  which  will  cut  the  earth  a  foot  below 
the  surface  with  no  more  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
oxen,  but  the  Indian  will  buy  the  steel  plow  which 
looks  most  like  the  crooked  stick  which  his  father 
and  his  grandfather  used  before  him,  and  when 
he  gets  his  plow  to  his  little  farm  he  will  saw  off 
the  left  handle  because  the  plows  of  his  ancestors 
were  guided  with  but  one  hand.  For  centuries  the 
Mexican  Indians  have  transported  earth  in  woven 
baskets  carried  by  a  harness  across  their  foreheads, 
and  many  American  and  English  engineers  who 
were  engaged  in  the  early  railway  construction 
in  Mexico  tell  how,  at  the  first  introduction  of 
imported  wheelbarrows,  the  Indians  insisted  on 
removing  the  wheels  and  carrying  the  barrows  on 
their  backs. 

Whole  villages  will,  conforming  to  tradition, 
manufacture  nothing  but  baskets,  or  nothing  but 
pottery,  although  other  necessities  of  their  simple 
life  may  have  to  be  brought  for  many  miles  from 
the  market  places  to  which  they  trudge  to  sell  their 
own  surplus  product. 

In  fact,  custom  has  rather  more  to  do  with  busi- 
ness methods  in  Mexico  than  have  enterprise  and 
efficiency.  The  distribution  system  hi  vogue  in  the 
country  is  probably  the  most  archaic  in  a  world 
in  which  distribution  everywhere  lags  behind  manu- 
facture. Before  the  Spaniards,  Mexican  business 
was  practically  all  done  in  the  market  places,  and 
this  was  a  custom  to  which  the  Spaniards  brought 
little  change.  The  most  glowing  descriptions  of 
the  conquerors  had  to  do  with  the  fairs  and  market 

52 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

places  of  Tenochtitlan,  the  Aztec  capital  which  was 
located  where  Mexico  City  now  stands.  Cortez 
reported  that  sixty  thousand  people  assembled 
daily  in  these  markets  and  that  every  fifth  day 
as  many  as  one  hundred  thousand  were  to  be  seen. 
Business  was  carried  on  largely  by  barter;  foods, 
animal  and  vegetable,  cooked  and  uncooked; 
native  fabrics,  coarse  or-  fine,  in  the  piece  or  made 
up  into  garments;  precious  stones,  ornaments  of 
metal,  shells  and  feathers;  implements,  building 
materials,  matting,  baskets,  furniture,  medicines, 
herbs  and  pottery  were  all  to  be  found  hi  the  same 
market  place.  Everything  was  sold  by  count  or 
measure,  and  barter  was  almost  the  only  means  of 
exchange,  although  gold  dust  in  transparent  quills, 
tin  and  copper  hi  T-shaped  pieces,  and  grains  of  the 
cacao  or  chocolate  plant  were  standards  of  value 
and  passed  hi  exchange.  The  Aztecs  were  great 
traders  and  carried  their  products  to  distant  prov- 
inces where  they  were  exchanged  in  the  fairs  and 
markets,  so  that  Aztec  pottery  and  jewelry  is  to 
this  day  to  be  found  hi  the  ruins  from  one  end  of 
Mexico  to  the  other.  Under  the  Aztecs  there  were 
no  beasts  of  burden,  and  all  products  had  to  be 
carried  on  human  backs,  a  limitation  to  trade  so 
great  that  one  of  the  marvels  of  the  Aztec  civiliza- 
tion is  that  it  grew  to  such  proportions  without  the 
aid  of  four-footed  animals. 

The  inheritances  of  Aztec  custom  mark  the  busi- 
ness of  Mexico  to  this  day.  While  the  larger  cities 
are  always  well  supplied  with  a  variety  of  foods, 
this  is  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  the  distributors 

53 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

either  themselves  or  through  their  agents  go  out 
into  the  country  to  buy,  and  themselves  transport 
the  supplies  into  the  central  markets.  In  the 
smaller  towns,  however,  there  are  often  sudden 
shortages  of  various  supplies;  for  the  Indian,  who 
often  travels  fifty  or  sixty  miles  with  his  load  of 
chickens,  or  vegetables,  or  baskets,  is  unaffected 
by  the  demands  of  the  market,  and  goes  only 
when  he  has  enough  goods  to  make  a  load  or  when 
he  happens  to  be  in  need  of  funds.  In  fact,  the 
market  has  been  since  time  immemorial  so  much  a 
social  center  that  the  Indian  will  neglect  his  crops 
or  his  manufacture  to  take  a  small  load  of  produce 
to  a  fair  in  order  to  sit  surrounded  by  his  family 
before  an  infinitesimal  stock  spread  out  before  him 
on  a  mat,  his  chief  object  to  watch  the  life  of  the 
fair  and  to  gossip  with  old  friends  and  new  ac- 
quaintances. 

These  tiny  stocks  of  goods  are  always  amusing, 
and  the  nonchalance  with  which  a  country  Indian 
will  sit  for  hours  behind  his  tiny  display  of  useless 
wares  is  one  of  the  charms  and  pities  of  Mexico. 
Except  in  the  great  cities  the  Indian  tradesman 
much  prefers  to  sell  his  goods  in  single  pieces  or 
small  lots  to  disposing  of  his  entire  stock.  The 
story  is  told  of  the  effort  of  an  American  in  the 
hot  country  to  buy  the  entire  product  of  broom 
corn  of  a  neighboring  village.  His  offer  was 
promptly  refused,  and  the  only  satisfaction  he 
could  get  out  of  his  explanations  that  the  offer 
guaranteed  a  greater  return  than  the  Indians  could 
make  from  spending  months  in  the  hand  manu- 

54 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

facture  and  sale  of  brooms  was  that  if  they  sold  all 
their  stock  at  once  they  would  have  nothing  to  do 
for  the  succeeding  months.  Residents  in  the 
suburbs  of  Mexican  towns  know  that  an  Indian 
driving  a  flock  of  a  dozen  turkeys  (with  the  charac- 
teristic long  whip  with  which  the  birds  are  herded 
like  sheep)  will  promptly  refuse  an  opportunity 
to  sell  the  entire  lot.  He  is  willing  to  sell  one  or 
even  two,  but  he  is  going  to  market,  and  he  is  not 
going  to  be  cheated  out  of  his  day  in  town.  Women 
vendors  in  interior  villages  will  not  sell  their  stock 
of  eggs,  for  instance,  except  by  the  memo,  that  is, 
the  hand,  or  five  pieces  at  once,  and  if  one  wishes 
to  buy  five  dozen  eggs,  one  must  buy  twelve  manos, 
paying  for  each  mano  in  coin  of  the  realm  as  it  is 
counted  out.  Often  where  varied  products  are 
bought  from  the  same  market  woman,  each  article 
must  be  paid  for  singly.  This  may  well  be  due  to 
the  ignorance  which  makes  multiplication  or 
addition  impossible,  but  it  is  more  likely  traceable 
to  a  perfectly  sound  custom  which  decrees  that 
eggs  shall  be  sold  by  the  mano  and  that  each  product 
shall  be  bought  by  itself. 

Bargaining  is  the  rule  in  Mexico  as  in  other  lands 
where  primitive  peoples  are  engaged  in  trade. 
This  is  probably  due  also  to  the  ancient  heritage 
from  the  days  of  barter  when  both  the  product 
bought  and  the  product  sold  were  influenced  by  the 
law  of  supply  and  demand.  The  fact  remains, 
however,  that  as  a  rule  the  Indian  vendors,  and 
indeed  the  proprietors  of  the  shops  around  the 
market  place,  will  ask  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  per 

55 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

cent,  more  than  they  are  willing  to  take  for  the 
articles  on  sale. 

Originally  the  stores  in  a  Mexican  city  were  all 
grouped  about  the  plaza  and  even  the  finest  goods 
could  be  bought  in  tiny  holes-in-the-wall.  While 
in  the  larger  cities  this  custom  later  gave  way  to 
large  department  and  specialty  stores  on  the  main 
streets  away  from  the  market,  in  essence  the  Mexi- 
can shop  remains  as  it  has  remained  for  centuries. 
The  exterior  gives  but  little  indication  of  the  goods 
to  be  found  within,  and  save  for  the  blankets,  the 
dresses  and  the  trinkets  hung  on  nail&  in  the  door- 
way (more  for  decoration  than  for  display),  almost 
no  effort  is  made  to  tempt  the  buyer  to  enter.  The 
thick  walls  of  the  Mexican  buildings  and  heavy 
shutters  of  wood  or  iron  inclose  most  of  the  desirable 
products  from  the  view  of  the  possible  purchaser. 
This  is  partially  due  to  the  ancient  and  still  preva- 
lent fear  of  theft,  but  it  also  harks  back  to  the 
personal  element  in  intercourse  in  Mexico,  which 
takes  its  forms  from  communal  relationship.  In 
Mexico  one  buys  from  one's  friends  and  seldom 
is  a  sale  consummated  without  a  pleasant  conversa- 
tion and  exchange  of  the  amenities  and  gossip 
between  proprietor  and  purchaser.  One  enjoys 
being  greeted  cordially  and  by  name  by  the  pro- 
prietor of  a  shop,  and  although  prices,  even  for 
staple  articles,  have  always  varied  from  door  to 
door,  the  Mexican  is  so  loyal  to  his  friends  that  he 
seldom  trades  outside  their  circle  if  he  can  avoid  it. 

The  foreign  shops  in  Mexico  only  emphasize  this 

condition  of  Mexican  trade,  and  it  is  largely  because 

56 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

the  French,  the  Germans,  the  Spaniards  and  the 
Syrians  understand  and  work  upon  this  personal 
element  in  the  Mexican  purchaser  that  they  are  the 
foreigners  who  control  most  of  the  retail  trade. 
Most  grocery  stores  in  Mexico  are  run  by  Spaniards, 
and  their  willingness  to  treat  even  the  humblest 
peon  who  buys  a  centavo's  worth  of  salt  with 
thorough  courtesy,  combined  with  efficiency  of 
management,  made  their  success  possible.  The 
Germans,  who  control  the  hardware  trade,  cater  as 
they  always  do  to  local  custom,  and  the  humblest 
Indian  from  the  mountains  feels  perfectly  at  home  in 
the  elegant  hardware  stores  of  the  metropolis,  where 
young  German  clerks,  who  have  pored  over  Spanish 
grammars  by  night,  meet  them,  talk  then:  language 
and  serve  them  efficiently.  The  French  dry-goods 
stores,  with  their  French  and  Mexican  clerks, 
elaborate  of  manner  and  indifferent  to  trade,  seem 
the  ablest  of  all  foreigners  to  give  the  Mexican 
women,  from  the  most  exclusive  ladies  to  the 
humblest  peon,  the  peculiar  attention  which  custom 
has  made  them  desire. 

The  Mexican  clerk  is  often  criticized  for  his 
nonchalance,  for  his  debonair  dishonesties  and  for 
his  cigarette  smoking  on  duty.  But  always  there  is 
a  subtle  understanding  of  class,  a  subtle  patronage 
of  the  woman  in  a  reboso  and  a  subtle  deference  to 
the  lady  with  a  hat  which  fits  him  peculiarly  for  the 
work  before  him. 

Following  a  venerable  custom,  Mexican  stores 
are  closed  for  the  noonday  siesta  from  1  to  3  P.M., 

and  no  foreign  bustle  has  ever  been  able  to  eradicate 

57 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

the  custom.  On  the  other  hand  Mexican  stores 
open  as  early  as  7.30  or  8  o'clock  in  the  morning 
in  the  smaller  towns  and  seldom  close  before  7  or 
8  at  night, — as  much  of  a  concession  to  the  climate 
and  custom  as  is  the  noonday  siesta. 

Supplies,  not  only  of  food,  but  even  of  the  more 
staple  needs  of  life,  are  bought  for  the  day  only. 
A  few  centavos  worth  of  sugar,  a  centavo  of  salt, 
five  centavos  of  coffee,  one  or  two  eggs,  the  day's 
potatoes,  green  vegetables  and  meat  fill  the  market 
basket  of  the  cook,  and  a  single  spool  of  thread 
and  barely  enough  cloth  for  the  purpose  intended 
are  purchased  by  the  seamstress  or  the  housewife. 
There  are  practically  no  charge  accounts,  and 
business,  even  before  the  uncertainties  of  revolu- 
tion, was  done  largely  on  a  cash  basis.  Checks  are 
seldom  used  hi  trade,  and  in  the  old  days  when 
paper  money  made  the  handling  of  large  sums  easy, 
a  middle-class  Mexican  often  carried  as  much  as 
a  thousand  or  two  thousand  pesos  on  his  person. 
Banks  are  used  only  byt  large  concerns,  the  com- 
mon people  having  but  little  confidence  in  them,  a 
prejudice  which  the  disastrous  financial  history  of 
the  Carranza  regime  apparently  justified. 

The  Indians  and  the  lower  peons  have  always 
preferred  pesos  duros  (hard  dollars)  or  gold  to  paper, 
and  the  problem  of  transporting  gold  and  silver 
coin  to  distant  villages  and  camps  was  serious  even 
before  the  recrudescence  of  banditry  following  the 
1910  revolution. 

One  of  the  few  developments  of  modern  business 
in  Mexico  has  been  the  purchase  of  goods  by  mail 

58 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

order  and  on  the  installment  plan.  The  install- 
ment business  was  started  long  ago  by  the  Amer- 
ican sewing-machine  manufacturers  who  for  years 
have  had  their  agents  covering  the  country  on 
horseback,  selling  sewing  machines  on  installments 
of  three  pesos  a  month  in  the  most  distant  villages. 
More  recently  other  enterprising  foreigners  have 
gone  into  the  business  of  selling  brass  beds — always 
a  sign  of  social  standing  hi  Mexico — phonographs 
and  chromos  on  a  similar  installment  plan. 

The  ancient  industry  of  producing  life-size 
crayon  portraits  of  deceased  relatives  and  delivering 
them  in  beautiful  gilt  frames  has  long  flourished  in 
Mexico.  In  a  land  where  there  are  practically  no 
savings  and  where  the  wages  are  so  near  the  sums 
actually  required  to  keep  body  and  soul  to- 
gether, it  would  seem  that  the  installment  business 
might  encounter  difficulties,  but  the  experience  has 
been  that  the  possession  of  a  chromo,  sewing 
machine  or  brass  bed  gives  such  cachet  to  the 
owner  that  the  fear  of  losing  it  drives  him  to  any 
means  of  meeting  the  payment  when  the  installment 
collector  makes  his  rounds. 

Mail-order  buying  grew  extensively  during  the 
time  of  Diaz.  The  American  mail-order  houses 
published  their  great  catalogues  in  Spanish  and 
scattered  them  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Patagonia, 
and  every  American  traveler  in  the  interior  villages 
has  had  the  experience  of  a  surreptitious  call  from 
some  young  Mexican  who  has  watched  him  pass 
on  the  street  and  who  wishes  to  inquire  more  fully 
regarding  the  value  of  the  articles  catalogued  and 

59 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

the  method  of  ordering.  Before  business  conditions 
were  entirely  upset  by  the  recent  revolution, 
Mexico  City  houses  were  doing  an  increasing  mail- 
order business.  Advertisements  filled  the  Mexican 
papers  and  catalogues  almost  as  elaborate  as  their 
American  prototypes  were  sent  broadcast  in  re- 
sponse to  many  inquiries. 

Mexican  politeness  is  found  hi  business  life  not 
less  than  in  social  etiquette.  The  genesis  of  busi- 
ness custom  goes  back  to  Spanish  times  and  to 
Spanish  traditions,  many  of  which  are  preserved 
more  conscientiously  in  Mexico  than  in  Spain 
herself.  In  entering  a  store  or  an  office  no  one  is 
too  busy  to  say  "Good  morning,"  or  if  he  knows 
the  proprietor  personally,  to  stop  and  shake  hands, 
while  the  members  of  both  families  are  inquired 
for  individually.  In  business  correspondence  the 
forms  of  ancient  courtesy  are  maintained  scrupu- 
lously, and  even  to  this  day  a  formal  business  letter 
from  a  Mexican  firm  will  be  signed, — instead  of 
" yours  truly" — with  the  alarming  array  of  in- 
itials, S.  S.  S.  Q.  B.  S.  M.,  which  means,  "Su  seguro 
servidor,  que  besa  su  mano"  literally  translated, 
"Your  faithful  servant,  who  kisses  your  hand." 

The  traditional  background  of  Mexican  living 
and  thinking  has,  indeed,  this  other  side,  wherein 
the  social  amenities  are  of  vital  importance,  and  of 
which  the  forms  of  business  procedure,  pleasant 
though  they  are,  are  only  a  reflection.  Standing 
out  like  a  bright  flower  against  the  background  of 
much  that  is  unlovely,  the  social  relationships  of 
the  Mexicans  and  the  social  customs  which  make 

60 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

up  their  enjoyment  of  life  are  always  a  delight  to  the 
observer. 

At  the  very  foundation  of  the  entire  system  of 
social  procedure  we  find  a  custom,  a  virtual  cult, 
which  is  so  deeply  grounded  a  part  of  Mexican  social 
and  business  life  that  it  is  comprehended  by  few 
foreigners  and  is  given  no  emphasis  at  all  by  the 
Mexicans, — for  to  them  it  is  like  clothes  and  food, 
one  of  the  things  that  have  always  been.  The 
reference  is  to  the  relation  of  compadres  or  co- 
fathers  which  is  at  the  basis  of  Mexican  social 
intercourse.  It  is  the  binding  element  in  Mexican 
friendships  and  a  survival  to-day  in  succinct  form 
of  the  communal  and  kin  relationships  of  the  In- 
dians, for  to  all  intents  and  purposes  it  is  the 
virtual  adoption  of  "blood-brothership"  which  is 
the  characteristic  of  most  savage  societies.  Modi- 
fied from  Spanish  forms,  it  has  been  raised  in 
Mexico  to  a  cult  of  social  union  which  influences 
and  beautifies  all  business  and  social  relationships. 
Technically,  a  compadre  (co-father  is  the  literal 
translation)  is  one  who  has  been  a  godfather  to  one 
of  your  children,  who  has  been  associated  with  you 
as  godfather  of  another  child,  or  who  is  the  father 
of  a  child  to  whom  you  have  acted  as  godfather. 
In  other  words,  compadres  (a  comadre  is  a  woman 
in  the  same  relationship,  but  the  tie  is  much  less 
binding  and  in  actuality  has  more  a  courtesy  value 
than  the  close  bond  of  the  compadres)  are  those  who 
are  associated  as  fathers  and  godfathers  of  the  same 
children. 

It  is  no  small  thing  to  be  invited  to  be  the  god- 

61 


THE1MEXICAN  MIND 

father  of  a  child  in  Mexico.  There  is  considerable 
expense  in  the  baptismal  ceremony,  the  baptismal 
dress  of  a  child  is  always  elaborate,  and  the  festival 
is  in  keeping  with  the  social  and  financial  stand- 
ing of  the  family,— and  all  of  these  expenses  the 
godfather  is  expected  to  pay.  Therefore  no  Mex- 
ican will  ask  any  but  a  true  friend  or  patron  to 
assume  the  expenses  and  responsibility  coincident 
to  this  formal  creation  of  the  compadrazco.  The 
relationship  of  compadres  therefore  does  not  begin 
nor  does  it  end  with  the  baptism.  The  friendship 
is  very  close  before  the  invitation  to  become  a  god- 
father is  extended,  and  the  sealing  of  the  bond 
practically  makes  the  compadre  a  member  of  the 
household.  The  relationship  is  complicated  by  the 
connections  of  other  compadres  with  each  other, 
so  that  in  a  Mexican  family  with  many  children  the 
outsider,  foreigner  or  Mexican,  who  is  not  a  com- 
padre,  may  well  feel  that  he  is  outside  the  inner 
circle,  no  matter  how  courteous  or  how  cordial  his 
hosts  may  be. 

The  relationship  of  compadres  reaches  beyond  the 
household.  Little  clubs  or  "circles"  have  their 
basis  in  this  relationship,  and  the  business  patronage 
of  a  middle-class  Mexican  household  is  very  likely 
to  be  determined  by  the  compadre  relationship  with 
the  shopkeepers  of  the  town.  The  links  that  bind 
Mexican  friendships  are  therefore  not  only  deeply 
rooted  but  far-reaching,  and  in  this  relationship  is 
to  be  found  the  explanation  of  much  of  the  social 
etiquette,  many  of  the  business  customs,  and  not 
a  little  of  the  general  ceremoniousness  of  the 

62 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

Mexican  which  at  first  seem  senseless  to  the  for- 
eigner. It  is  a  human  bond  between  men  which 
transcends  blood  ties  and  transcends  even  the 
appearances  of  brusqueness  and  rudeness  on  the 
part  of  Mexicans  toward  strangers.  It  has  its 
ramifications  into  the  paternal  relationship  of  the 
various  classes,  for  often  an  hacendado  or  a  patron 
becomes  the  godfather  of  children  of  his  employees 
and  so  binds  the  family  to  himself  and  himself  to 
his  retainer  with  links  whose  roots  we  may  blindly 
seek  in  race  or  in  government  systems. 

All  the  relationships  which  characterize  the 
social  and  business  unity  of  Mexicans  have  their 
reflections  in  the  politeness  which  is  so  famous  a 
tradition  of  their  country.  Psychologically,  po- 
liteness had  its  orgins  in  accepted  inferiority,  and 
it  seems  obvious  that  the  so  elaborately  fixed  and 
recognized  social  scaling  of  Mexico  and  the  sureness 
of  position  which  such  a  scaling  alone  can  give  were 
the  origin  of  the  courtly  courtesy  of  Mexican  peon 
and  gentleman  alike. 

In  an  earlier  day  this  courtesy  was  universal,  but 
since  the  upheavals  of  revolution  and  socialism 
much  of  the  innate  politeness  of  the  peon  and 
Indian  has  disappeared.  But  the  Mexican  gentle- 
man still  retains  his  charming  manners,  and  in  home 
and  office  is  ever  the  courteous,  gentle  host,  what- 
ever his  real  sentiments  toward  his  visitor  may  be. 

The  courtesy  between  men  begins  in  the  city 
street  and  on  the  highways  of  the  country.  A 
Mexican  gentleman  always  takes  off  his  hat  to 
another,  shakes  hands  upon  meeting  and  upon 

63 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

parting,  and  where  there  has  been  a  long  absence, 
embraces  his  friend  first  over  the  right  shoulder 
and  then  over  the  left,  patting  the  back  and  shak- 
ing hands  once  more  as  the  abrazo  is  broken.  In 
the  country  every  passerby  is  spoken  to,  the  usual 
form  of  salutation  being  "Adios"  ("Good-by",  or 
literally,  "To  God"  or  "God  be  with  you"),  the 
peon  or  Indian  in  other  days  almost  invariably 
removing  his  hat  as  he  speaks,  and  even  mumbling 
"Con  su  permiso"  ("With  your  permission")  as  he 
trots  on  his  way.  This  courtesy  is  not  only  from 
superior  to  inferior,  and  vice  versa,  but  between 
equals.  Politeness  was  ingrained  in  the  Mexican 
by  churchly  training  and  tradition,  although  the 
forms  have  of  course  no  more  meaning  than  similar 
expressions  in  English  or  any  other  language;  the 
elaborateness  with  which  the  courtesies  are  per- 
formed and  the  charm  of  the  words  themselves  give 
a  touch  of  picturesque  formality  which  is  always 
impressive. 

It  all  adds  to  the  pleasure  of  living  in  Mexico  and 
places  in  the  hands  of  every  one,  high  or  low,  a  key 
which  opens  every  pathway,  for  no  matter  how 
dense  a  Mexican  crowd,  no  matter  how  apparently 
engrossed  hi  their  own  affairs,  a  simply  murmured 
"Con  permiso"  will  open  the  way  for  anyone,  be 
he  peon  or  elegant  lady.  The  etiquette  of  the  high- 
way is  as  fixed  as  are  other  traditions  in  Mexico, 
and  no  peon  who  is  not  in  his  cups  or  a  "socialist" 
would  think  of  passing  upon  the  inside  (next  the 
wall)  of  any  person  of  higher  social  state,  and  always 
a  gentleman  gives  way  to  a  lady  or  to  an  older  man 

64 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

on  the  narrow  sidewalks  which  line  the  Mexican 
streets,  for  the  inside  next  the  wall  is  the  place  of 
vantage  and  so  the  most  desirable  side  of  the  walk, — 
there  is  no  right  or  left  rule  of  passing  save  for 
vehicles. 

Mexican  social  etiquette  is  founded  upon  a 
courtly  tradition  which  gives  first  place  to  women 
and  to  older  men,  and  which  receives  the  friend 
with  effusive  courtesy  and  strangers  with  dignified 
politeness.  The  embrace  is  common  in  Mexico 
between  men;  and  between  women  the  kiss  upon 
the  right  cheek  and  then  the  left  is  a  custom  always 
followed,  the  younger  woman  or  the  social  inferior 
kissing  the  cheek  offered  by  the  other. 

Inside  a  Mexican  house  the  courtesies  are  ob- 
served with  the  most  meticulous  adherence  to 
tradition.  At  every  doorway  there  is  a  protest 
as  to  who  shall  go  first;  in  the  drawing  room  there 
is  always  a  polite  waiting  for  the  designation  of 
seats  by  the  mistress  of  the  home.  The  formal 
arrangement  of  the  room,  with  the  sofa  in  the  middle 
of  the  longest  wall  and  one  armchair  at  right  angles 
at  either  end,  gives  opportunity  for  social  distinc- 
tions which  the  Mexican  lady  uses  with  instinctive 
breeding.  The  place  of  honor  is  the  sofa,  the 
hostess  sitting  in  the  left  corner  and  the  most 
important  guest  at  her  right,  while  in  order  the 
armchair  at  her  left  and  the  armchair  at  the  right  of 
the  sofa  are  filled  by  other  visitors. 

The  formalities  of  introduction  never  vary,  the 
host  begging  the  permission  of  the  more  important 
person  to  present  the  less  important,  and  the  latter 

65 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

responding  by  stating  his  full  name,  in  response  to 
which  the  other  does  the  same.  This  is  varied  only 
regarding  women,  who  do  not  repeat  their  names. 
The  famous  courtesy  of  the  host's  presenting  to  the 
visitor  the  house  and  all  within  it  is,  needless  to 
say,  only  a  formality,  although  should  an  unin- 
formed foreigner  happen  to  accept  the  gift  of  a 
jewel  or  a  book  which  he  had  admired,  the  old- 
fashioned  Mexican  would  insist  with  unanswerable 
courtesy  upon  his  actually  taking  it  away,  an 
insistence  which  springs  both  from  tradition  and 
from  his  desire  to  save  his  guest  embarrassment  at 
whatever  cost. 

There  are,  however,  limitations  to  Mexican  cour- 
tesy, and  seldom  is  the  foreigner  allowed  to  pre- 
sume upon  it,  for  the  social  group  in  which  a 
Mexican  moves  has  definite  limitations  and  is 
broadened  only  at  his  own  choice.  Foreigners  who 
come  with  letters  of  introduction  are  effusively 
greeted,  often  entertained  at  cafe  or  club,  but  sel- 
dom are  they  introduced  into  the  home  life  of  the 
Mexican.  In  fact,  the  opening  of  the  home  is  a 
courtesy  which  is  so  guarded  as  to  be  a  very  true 
sign  of  complete  acceptance  of  a  friend.  Mexican 
gentlemen  may  know  each  other  in  a  club,  in  busi- 
ness, and  even  at  dances  where  both  their  families 
are  present,  but  unless  a  friendship  has  been  built 
up  between  their  wives  or  their  daughters,  neither 
will  be  invited  into  the  home  of  the  other  or  intro- 
duced to  the  ladies  except  in  the  most  formal 
fashion,  and  then  only  if  circumstances  provide  the 

occasion. 

66 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

There  is  comparatively  little  informality  in  social 
relationships  in  any  case,  and,  save  for  the  inter- 
course of  young  girls,  Mexicans  of  either  sex  seldom 
drop  in  informally  upon  their  friends.  Large  family 
parties  or  formal  dinners  are  the  normal  social 
functions  of  Mexican  life,  and,  although  there  is  no 
lack  of  fun  of  the  most  wholesome  sort  in  such 
affairs,  everything  will  have  been  carefully  and  stu- 
diously prepared  before  the  guests  arrive. 

The  Mexican  women  live  in  a  cage  of  custom. 
Never,  whether  married  or  single,  will  they  appear 
in  public  with  a  man  to  whom  they  are  not  related. 
Their  escort  is  either  father  or  husband  or  brother, 
and  always  their  relationships  with  other  men  are 
on  the  most  formal  terms.  In  the  colonial  days 
and  in  the  early  time  of  the  independence,  no 
Mexican  lady  would  go  shopping  unless  accom- 
panied by  an  older  woman  member  of  the  house- 
hold, and  even  now  Mexican  ladies  never  go  on  the 
street  alone;  if  they  go  to  market  they  are  accom- 
panied by  a  servant  to  carry  the  packages,  and  if 
they  go  shopping  in  the  stores  they  usually  go  with 
a  woman  friend  who,  however,  need  not  be  an  older 
chaperone.  At  night  they  go  out  only  when  accom- 
panied by  one  of  the  men  of  their  family. 

Although  to  a  certain  extent  the  barriers  have 
been  broken  down,  still  to-day  women  of  even 
middle-class  birth  look  askance  at  employment  in 
stores  or  offices.  Unless  they  enter  a  convent,  the 
older  unmarried  women  live  on  with  their  father  or 
mother,  and  when  these  have  died  continue  to  move 
about  from  house  to  house  as  the  guests  of  their 

67 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

married  brothers  and  sisters.  Servants  have  always 
been  cheap  in  Mexico,  and  every  family  of  any 
means  whatever  has  one  or  more.  Mexican  ladies 
therefore  seldom  perform  any  household  tasks,  al- 
though the  management  of  a  Mexican  establish- 
ment with  its  host  of  usually  incompetent  servants 
is  a  problem  which  brings  out  all  the  considerable 
executive  ability  of  the  Mexican  woman  of  the 
upper  classes.  They  do,  however,  take  a  personal 
interest  in  the  maintenance  of  their  wardrobe,  and 
every  Mexican  woman  is  an  excellent  seamstress  or 
embroiderer. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  just  here  that  in  Mexico, 
somewhat  in  contrast  to  other  lands,  it  is  the  young 
unmarried  women  who  receive  most  of  the  atten- 
tion, and  the  young  matron  is  relegated  immediately 
upon  her  marriage  to  the  rank  of  her  mother  and 
grandmother,  so  that  she  is  seldom  seen  again  at 
social  affairs  except  seated  with  the  chaperones  and 
accompanied  by  her  husband. 

Much  of  the  social  life  of  the  women  in  Mexico  is 
taken  up  in  promenades  or  carriage  and  motor  rides, 
the  hold  of  tradition  being  so  great  that  even  to- 
day prominent  Mexican  families  maintain  their 
horses  and  carriages  for  the  afternoon  promenade, 
while  using  automobiles  for  every  other  purpose. 
In  the  smaller  towns  the  life  about  the  main  plaza 
is  part  of  the  routine  of  social  activity.  Two  or 
three  evenings  a  week  and  every  Sunday  afternoon 
the  band  plays  and  the  public  walks  around,  the 
women  and  children  accompanied  by  men  in  one 
direction,  and  the  single  men  in  another;  in  some 

68 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

places  there  are  four  lines  passing  simultaneously, 
two  made  up  of  the  middle  and  upper  classes,  and 
two  of  the  peon  and  servant  classes,  but  in  each  the 
women  walk  one  way  and  the  men  another,  so  that 
they  are  able  to  speak  and  smile  if  they  are  ac- 
quainted or  to  watch  each  other,  presumably  unob- 
served, if  they  have  not  been  formally  presented. 

It  is  here  that  Mexican  romances  traditionally 
begin.  The  Mexican  girl  has  been  trained  from  the 
cradle  to  discretion,  and  as  a  corollary  to  extreme 
skill  in  flirtation.  Under  the  eye  of  a  watchful 
duenna  she  will  pass  and  repass  a  certain  young 
man  upon  the  plaza  a  dozen  times  and  each  time 
will  flash  a  smile  from  the  eyes  in  response  to  his 
equally  covert  salutation.  When,  after  a  few  or 
many  evenings  upon  the  plaza,  the  youth  finally 
separates  himself  from  his  companions  and  follows 
her  home,  she  will,  before  she  retires,  step  to  the 
window  and  look  out  through  the  curtain  to  see 
him  standing  against  the  wall  of  the  house  across 
the  street.  Later  she  will  let  him  see  that  she  is 
watching,  and  before  very  long  this  "  playing  the 
bear"  has  developed  to  a  conversation  through  the 
parlor  window. 

This  window  has  been  barred  from  ancient  times, 
presumably  to  keep  thieves  from  entering,  because 
it  opens  directly  upon  the  street,  but  perhaps  more 
likely  in  order  to  lengthen  the  Mexican  romance 
with  its  tantalizing  nearness.  This  phase  of  the 
romance — conversation  and  hand-holding  through 
the  bars  into  the  late  hours  of  the  night — continues 
for  two  or  three  months  at  least,  sometimes  much 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

longer.  Then  either  the  father  or  uncle  of  the  young 
man,  or  sometimes  one  of  his  boy  friends,  approaches 
the  father  of  the  girl,  explaining  the  young  man's 
prospects  and  possessions  and  requesting  permis- 
sion for  him  to  pay  her  formal  court.  If  accepted, 
he  is  brought  to  the  house  by  his  ambassador,  is 
formally  presented,  first  to  the  father,  then  to  the 
girl's  mother  and  aunts.  Finally  he  is  introduced 
to  the  girl  as  if  he  had  never  known  her  before,  for 
hi  theory  he  has  not.  Thereafter  the  courtship  is 
carried  on  under  the  eyes  of  the  family,  although 
sometimes,  if  the  chaperone  is  kindly,  there  are 
moments  when  they  are  alone  within  the  house;  but 
usually  the  only  privacy  the  two  have  is  through 
the  bars  at  the  street  window  at  which  he  still 
stops  on  his  way  home  after  the  formal  call;  and 
the  family  or  some  member  of  it  is  always  in  the 
room,  even  when  the  girl  is  talking  to  her  novio, 
or  sweetheart,  through  the  bars  as  he  stands  on 
the  street. 

All  this  is  the  result  of  rigid  custom,  although 
with  the  somewhat  greater  freedom  now  allowed 
in  the  attendance  of  young  girls,  properly  chaper- 
oned, at  general  dances,  the  possibilities  for  ac- 
quaintance are  greatly  widened.  Marriage  follows 
close  upon  the  formal  " introduction"  and  encour- 
agement of  the  young  people.  To  the  marriage  the 
girl  of  good  family  sometimes — but  not  always — 
brings  a  dowry.  The  young  man,  on  the  other  hand, 
defrays  the  entire  expenses  of  the  ceremony  down 
to  the  bride's  very  trousseau;  in  the  selection  of  this 
it  is  perhaps  unnecessary  to  explain  that  he  is 

70 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

usually  assisted  by  his  sister,  mother  or  aunt.  The 
wedding  is  as  elaborate  as  the  groom  can  afford 
and  is  always  followed  by  an  extensive  party  in 
which  all  the  relatives  of  both  sides,  not  to  mention 
the  compadres  and  their  families,  take  part.  In 
Mexico  the  upper  classes  are  married  both  by  civil 
and  religious  ceremony,  the  former  taking  place 
either  at  the  office  of  the  judge  the  day  before  the 
marriage  or  made  a  part  of  the  wedding  reception. 

After  a  Mexican  woman  is  married  her  life  almost 
inevitably  assumes  the  daily  round  through  which 
her  mother  and  her  grandmother  and  her  great- 
grandmother  have  passed  before  her.  Children  are 
expected  and  come  with  the  regularity  of  each  new 
year,  their  christenings  and  later  their  confirma- 
tions being  the  chief  events  of  their  mother's  life, 
although  as  Mexico  is  a  Catholic  country  the  chris- 
tening, of  course,  takes  place  before  the  mother  is 
able  to  attend.  The  first  christening  is  the  occasion 
when  the  friendships  of  the  father's  youth  are  sealed 
by  inviting  his  best  friends  to  act  as  godparents, 
the  baptism  being  followed  by  an  elaborate  festival 
and  announced  afterwards  by  cards  sent  out  by 
the  godfather  and  always  accompanied  by  a  coin 
of  gold  or  silver  emblematic  of  comfort  and  the 
assurance  of  support  to  the  godchild. 

Life  in  Mexico  is  full  of  quaint  customs,  the  festi- 
vals which  mark  the  Church  year  and  which  cele- 
brate the  historic  anniversaries  of  the  nation  all 
having  their  special  functions  and  ceremonies. 
Birthdays,  saints'  days  and  family  anniversaries  of 

every  sort  are  generously  celebrated,  and  seldom 

71 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

is  a  proper  occasion  allowed  to  pass  without  a 
tertulia  or  "party." 

The  ingenuousness  of  the  lower  classes  and  the 
simplicity  and  directness  of  the  Mexicans  of  every 
rank  knit  their  daily  routine  to  custom  and  appro- 
priateness. Why  should  the  milkman  not  drive  his 
cow  or  his  herd  of  goats  to  your  door  and  deliver 
their  product  first-hand  into  your  own  pitcher? 
Why  should  not  the  Indian  or  peon  passing  your 
window  in  the  morning  sing  improvised  chants  or 
folk  songs  as  he  goes  to  his  work?  Why  should  the 
vendor  of  hot  rolls  on  the  corner  not  cry  aloud  hi 
his  singsong  voice  the  virtues  of  his  wares  and  the 
important  fact  that  his  stock  will  soon  be  exhausted? 
Why  should  the  seller  of  sweetmeats,  as  he  dusts 
the  flies  away  with  a  dirty  wisp  of  paper,  or  as  he 
unhygiemcally  freshens  his  slices  of  coconut  in  the 
public  fountain,  not  inform  you  that  never  did  he 
have  such  toothsome  delicacies?  Why  should  the 
bootblack  on  the  plaza  not  insist  that  you  have 
your  well-blacked  shoes  shined  once  more  because 
it  is  Sunday?  Since  time  immemorial  he  and  his 
father  and  his  ancestors  before  him  have  used  the 
same  formulas,  and  always  the  occasion  or  the 
product  has  justified  his  noisy  if  conventional  en- 
thusiasm. Simplicity  and  fitness  to  purpose, — if  we 
look  deep  enough  we  shall  always  find  some  ancient 
or  present  justification  for  every  custom  the  world 
over. 

Custom,  which  marked  the  Mexican  from  before 
his  birth,  follows  him  to  the  grave.  The  elaborate- 
ness of  the  marriage  and  the  baptismal  ceremony 

72 


SIGNPOSTS  OF  CUSTOM 

are  rivaled  by  the  grandness  of  his  funeral.  This 
is  almost  the  only  occasion  upon  which  every 
Mexican  can  be  induced  to  hurry.  Most  Mexican 
cities  require  burial  within  twenty-four  hours,  for 
embalming  is  expensive  and  uncommon.  Therefore 
the  moment  the  eyes  of  the  dead  are  closed,  a  near- 
by printshop  is  busy  turning  out  immense  black- 
bordered  notices  giving  the  hour  of  death,  the  ar- 
rangements for  the  funeral  and  the  place  of  burial. 
These  are  hi  the  post  within  a  few  hours  and  are 
often  plastered  up  at  the  corners  of  the  street. 
Burial  is  usually  from  a  church  or  chapel,  and  in 
Mexico  City  and  hi  most  of  the  larger  towns  the 
trip  to  the  cemetery  is  made  by  horse-car  or  trolley. 
The  profuseness  of  Mexico's  flowers  and  the  skill 
of  her  workmen  in  fashioning  out  of  green  boughs 
and  moss  the  most  elaborate  funeral  designs  make 
the  black-draped  trolley  car  which  carries  the  body 
of  a  well-beloved  citizen  a  bower  of  blossoms. 
Only  men  attend  funerals  in  Mexico,  and  under 
Mexican  law  no  clergyman  may  officiate  out  of 
doors,  so  there  is  acere  mony  not  only  in  church 
but  also  in  the  mortuary  chapel  in  the  cemetery. 
Among  the  poorer  classes  cpffins  and  even  shrouds 
are  rented,  and  even  if  the  body  is  not  to  be  dis- 
turbed, at  least  the  silver  handles  are  removed 
from  all  caskets  before  they  are  lowered  into  the 
ground.  Graves  can  be  rented  for  from  one  year  to 
seven  (at  the  end  of  which  time  the  bones  are  taken 
out  and  thrown  into  a  charnel  house)  or  bought  in 
perpetuity. 
The  Mexican  "wake"  among  the  lower  classes 

73 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

is  no  less  a  ceremony  than  the  actual  burial, — 
although  it  is  almost  certain  to  lack  its  solemnity. 
Food  and  drink  are  always  given,  and  where  the 
latter  prevails,  the  traditional  Irish  function  has  an 
enthusiastic  rival  in  the  Mexican. 

Thus  the  cycle  of  custom  rolls  around.  Nothing 
interferes  with  a  festival,  as  nothing  interrupts  the 
immemorial  traditions  of  baptism,  courtship  and 
death.  The  Mexican's  life,  his  business,  his  revolu- 
tions have  a  thousand  individualities,  and  the  back- 
ground before  which  he  plays  his  r61es  may  itself 
seem  a  moving  kaleidoscope.  But  that  background 
is  custom  and  tradition,  painted  through  long 
centuries,  a  background  that  repeats  itself  as  it  runs 
on  an  endless  roll  behind  the  stage  upon  which  he 
acts  out  his  days,  a  background  whose  unchanging 
sequence  colors  all  his  thought  and  feeling. 


74 


CHAPTER  IV 

PLAYTIME   IN  MEXICO 

ALL  the  world  must  play,  every  people  in  its 
own  peculiar  fashion.  The  play  of  Mexico  is 
ever  the  play  of  children,  its  color  the  color  of 
ancient  folk  dances,  a  round  of  traditional  ceremony, 
and  yet,  one  comes  to  feel,  tragically  lacking  in  that 
very  spirit  of  play  which  vivifies  the  make-believe 
of  childhood. 

Play  in  Mexico  comes  in  for  serious  consideration, 
rather  than  joyful  cooperation.  With  other  peoples, 
recreation  is  an  index;  with  the  Mexican  peon,  at 
least,  it  is  all  the  sweets  of  life.  Call  it  what  we 
will — a  spiritual  relaxation,  a  getting  away  from  the 
troubles  that  oppress  and  the  poverty  that  weakens, 
or  a  happy  f orgetting  of  the  cruelty  that  enslaves — 
recreation  holds  a  place  in  Mexican  life  such  as  is 
found  among  few  modern  nations. 

The  need  of  those  solemn  festivals  and  stuffy 
recreations  is  the  first  and  almost  the  only  "spirit- 
ual" requirement  of  the  average  Mexican,  while 
the  official  celebrations  of  the  many  holidays  is  as 
important  a  part  of  the  government  function  as 
the  maintenance  of  a  police  force.  Oppressed  and 
undeveloped  peoples  all  find  expression  hi  distinc- 
tive recreations,  for,  scientifically  considered,  amuse- 
ments represent  "the  instinctive  and  natural  atti- 

75 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

tude  of  mind  as  divorced  from  occupational  habits; 
they  also  represent  unrealized  ideals  and  national 
memories."1 

The  persistence  of  the  tendency  to  festivity  in 
Mexico  is  marked  everywhere,^-in  the  many  holi- 
days, in  the  system  of  work  and  in  religion;  and 
almost  the  only  remnants  of  Indian  folk-culture  are 
the  dances  and  games  which  mark  all  native  cere- 
monies. The  Indian  mind  is  so  tenacious  of  tradi- 
tion that  even  after  four  hundred  years  many 
pagan  rites  have  survived  as  virtually  a  part  of 
Christian  ritual.  Even  the  celebration  of  Guada- 
lupe  Day  (December  12)  at  the  famous  shrine  in 
a  suburb  of  the  capital  is  accompanied  by  dances  of 
undoubted  pagan  origin  and  orgies  which  the 
Church  can  ignore  but  knows  it  is  unwise  to  pro- 
hibit or  seek  to  alter. 

Even  during  the  present  series  of  revolutions, 
with  all  the  suffering  and  starvation,  the  Mexicans 
have  lost  no  opportunity  to  amuse  themselves. 
The  characteristic  fiestas  are  observed  with  un- 
abated enthusiasm,  and  if  the  tinsel  is  a  little  more 
tarnished  and  the  sardine  cans  a  little  less  numerous, 
the  celebration  of  all  the  national  and  religious 
holidays  has  gone  on  unchecked. 

From  the  beginning  of  Mexican  history  these 
amusements  have  been  recorded  and  described. 
Bernal  Diaz,  the  chronicler  of  the  Conquest,  and 
Cortez  himself,  in  his  letters,  described  the  wonder- 
ful sights  which  greeted  their  eyes  on  the  weekly 

1W.  I.  Thomas,  "Race  Psychology,"  American  Journal  of 
Sociology,  May,  1912,  page  758. 

76 


PLAYTIME  IN  MEXICO 

market  days  in  Tenochtitlan,  the  Aztec  capital. 
The  Spaniards,  themselves  lovers  of  the  festival, 
found  it  pleasant  to  graft  their  own  customs  upon 
those  of  the  Indians.  The  conquerors  built  parks 
and  recreation  centers,  bull  rings,  band  stands, 
gambling  halls,  and  most  powerful  of  all,  established 
drinking  places  upon  a  firm  financial  basis.  The  na- 
tive race  responded  to  this  phase  of  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  Spaniard,  and  in  this  matter  the  mixed  breed 
has  never  felt  any  confusion  in  his  heritages. 

The  attitude  of  the  Mexican  toward  a  holiday 
celebration,  however,  is  to  regard  it  in  the  nature 
of  a  spectacle,  rather  than  as  a  function  in  which 
he  himself  takes  part.  This  is  particularly  true 
when  the  amusements  are  of  Spanish  origin.  The 
Indian  stands  silent  and  sodden  before  the  band- 
stands, under  fireworks  and  along  the  lines  of  march 
of  the  pageants  of  his  rulers,  and  although  the 
heavy  state  of  intoxication  which  is  part  of  his 
celebration  must  be  taken  into  account,  this  does 
not  explain,  of  itself,  why  he  is  solemn  rather  than 
noisy  during  the  great  national  festivals.  Enjoy- 
ment there  is,  of  course;  the  thousands  of  people 
of  the  lowest  classes  who  turn  out  for  every  holiday 
indicate  that,  but  their  natural  role  of  gloomy 
aloofness  comes  chiefly  from  the  feeling  that  they 
have  no  part  in  the  provisions  which  are  made 
for  their  amusement. 

In  the  country,  or  where  the  Indian  is  himself 
the  dispenser  of  the  entertainment,  we  find  an 
increasing  proportion  of  the  spectators  either  taking 

an  active  part  or  commenting  freely  and  humor- 

77 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

ously  upon  the  activities  of  the  principals.  For 
another  thing,  in  the  country  the  liquor  imbibed  is 
very  likely  to  be  of  a  more  exhilarating  character 
than  in  the  capital,  where  pulque  creates  a  "con- 
vivial" spirit  which  is  sullen  and  quiet. 

The  hold  of  amusement  on  the  Mexican  mind 
was  early  recognized  by  the  nation's  leaders,  and 
as  in  the  old  days  of  Rome,  festivals  were  the 
ordinary  form  of  bribing  the  simple  populace. 
Under  the  Aztecs,  there  were  royal  feasts,  consist- 
ing of  "  theatrical  representations,  gladiatorial 
combats,  fights  between  wild  beasts,  athletic  sports, 
musical  performances,  and  poetical  recitations  hi 
honor  of  kings,  gods  and  heroes."1 

In  fact,  the  fiestas  of  the  ancient  Mexicans  sound 
for  all  the  world  like  a  record  of  those  to-day. 

Birthdays,  victories,  housewarmings,  successful  voyages  or 
speculations  were  celebrated  by  feasts.  .  .  .  The  feasting  cus- 
tom was  general  from  lowest  to  highest.  It  usually  involved 
the  distribution  of  gifts  (dresses,  gourds,  cacao  beans,  flowers, 
etc.),  often  costly.  There  were  also  long  and  frequent  religious 
celebrations.  .  .  .  They  feasted  on  fish,  dogs,  fowls,  tamales, 
bread,  cacao.  .  .  .  They  smoked  tobacco.  .  -  .  Old  people 
were  allowed  all  the  octli  they  wanted  and  frequently  became 
drunk.  They  were  entertained  by  dancers,  dwarfs,  and  jesters. 
.  .  .  Dancing  was  the  favorite  amusement  and  was  part  of  the 
religious  rites.  .  .  .  Great  public  dances  were  participated  in 
by  thousands  in  the  plaza  or  courtyard  of  the  temple.2 

The  entertainment  of  the  populace  by  great  pub- 
lic fetes  has  come  down  through  all  Mexican  history, 

1  H.  H.  Bancroft,  "Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States  of  North 
America,"  Volume  II,  page  286,  San  Francisco,  1883. 

2  Ibid.,  283-288. 

78 


PLAYTIME  IN  MEXICO 

and  the  period  of  Diaz,  in  the  wisdom  of  his  atti- 
tude toward  the  Indians,  was  one  of  the  most 
lavish.  All  the  national  holidays  were  great  occa- 
sions, decorations,  parades,  band  concerts  and  fire- 
works marking  each  of  them,  year  after  year.  The 
electrical  illumination  of  the  Zocalo,  the  main  plaza 
of  Mexico  City,  was  as  elaborate  for  each  feast  day 
as  though  it  were  a  world's  fair.  The  national  and 
municipal  palaces  and  the  vast,  towering  bulk  of 
the  great  cathedral  were  outlined  in  incandescent 
globes,  while  an  immense  Mexican  flag,  in  green, 
white  and  red  electric  lights,  flickered  significantly 
over  the  vaulted  dome  of  the  ancient  temple  of 
religion. 

Under  the  rule  of  Spain,  the  number  of  Church 
festivals  which  were  celebrated  by  general  holidays 
so  increased  that  one  of  the  most  radical  provisions 
of  the  Reform  Laws  was  that  which  reduced  them 
to  only  six, — besides  Sundays.  Under  Diaz,  with 
the  addition  of  new  national  holidays,  the  number 
again  grew  to  uneconomic  proportions,  until  hi  1906 
the  National  Railways  issued  a  special  order  recog- 
nizing, in  its  capacity  of  chief  industry  of  the  coun- 
try, but  fourteen,  besides  Sundays,  as  follows: 

January  1 — New  Year's  Day 
February  5 — Signing  of  the  Constitution 
March  or  April — Holy  Thursday  (a  movable  feast) 
March  or  April — Good  Friday  (a  movable  feast) 
May  5 — Victory  of  Puebla 
May  or  June — Corpus  Christi  (a  movable  feast) 
June  24— St.  John  (the  Baptist) 
August  15 — Assumption  Day 
September  15 — Birthday  of  the  President 
79 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

September  16 — Independence  Day 
November  1 — All  Saints 
November  2 — All  Souls 
December  12 — Guadalupe  Day 
December  25 — Christmas  Day 

But  the  legal  and  Church  festivals  are  far  from 
completing  the  list  which  the  Mexican  peon,  at 
least,  wishes  to  observe.  Humorists  who  include 
San  Lunes,  or  St.  Monday's  day  as  a  festival  (owing 
to  the  weekly  need  of  recuperating  from  the  alco- 
holic celebration  of  Sunday)  estimate  that  the 
Mexican  works  not  more  than  two  hundred  days  in 
the  year.  Counting  all  the  Sundays  and,  as  above, 
all  the  Mondays  of  the  year,  all  the  national  holi- 
days, all  the  Church  feast  days,  all  the  feast  days 
formerly  observed  by  the  Church,  the  day  of  the 
patron  saint  of  the  hacienda  where  he  works,  the 
days  of  the  patron  saints  of  near-by  churches  and 
villages,  the  birthdays  and  also  the  saints'  days  of 
the  owner  of  the  hacienda,  of  his  overseer,  and  of 
all  the  members  of  their  families,  the  peon's  own 
birthday  and  saint's  day,  tfiose  of  the  members  of 
his  family  and  friends,  it  sometimes  seems  as  if 
even  two  hundred  were  too  generous  an  estimate 
of  his  working  period. 

Since  the  new  revolution  some  of  the  legal  holi- 
days, notably  the  birthday  of  President  Diaz,  Sep- 
tember 15,  are  no  longer  celebrated  as  such,  though 
the  Mexican  is  very  loath  to  give  up  an  opportunity 
for  a  festival,  no  matter  what  the  excuse.  Under 
Diaz,  for  instance,  April  2,  the  anniversary  of  a 
minor  engagement  at  Puebla  of  which  General  Diaz 

80 


PLAYTIME  IN  MEXICO 

was  the  personal  hero,  was  celebrated  largely  as  an 
honor  to  the  dictator,  but  this  celebration  has  now 
been  substituted  by  the  anniversaries  of  many 
battles  notable  in  the  revolutions  of  the  past  ten 
years. 

The  religious  holidays,  which  are  limited  hi  the 
railway  calendar  to  seven,  actually  numbered,  under 
the  Diaz  period,  seventy-nine,  besides  Sundays. 
Fifty-two  were  saints'  days,  fifteen  solemn  feast 
days,  three  Holy  Days  of  Obligation,  and  six  formal 
festivals. 

The  New  Year  is  observed  chiefly  with  its  Euro- 
pean significance  of  the  exchange  of  gifts  and  calls. 
Carnival  Tuesday,  preceding  the  beginning  of  Lent, 
is  generally  celebrated  throughout  Mexico,  and  hi 
the  capital  it  is  the  occasion  for  the  Battle  of  Flow- 
ers, when  carriages  and  automobiles  passing  each 
other  slowly  up  and  down  the  main  streets  and  in 
the  park  of  Chapultepec  are  loaded  with  cut  flowers 
with  which  the  occupants  pelt  one  another  joyously. 
At  night,  in  the  happy  days  when  carriages  might 
go  abroad  at  night,  the  Battle  of  Flowers  was  con- 
tinued along  Calle  San  Francisco  (now  Avenida  de 
Francisco  I.  Madero),  residents  of  the  upper  floors 
joining  in  the  battle  from  their  balconies. 

The  celebration  of  Easter  is  marked  by  the  first 
general  appearance  in  the  year  of  the  booths  or 
puestos  lining  the  parks  and  market  places.  These 
booths  are  more  typical  of  Mexico  and  of  the  Indian 
contribution  than  almost  any  integral  part  of  the 
celebrations  themselves,  excepting,  of  course,  the 
dances.  Here,  under  spreading  canvas,  bunting  or 

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THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

matting  awnings,  are  displayed  trinkets  and  toys 
made  of  native  pottery  and  basketry,  tissue  paper 
and  papier-mache.  The  Indians  of  outlying  villages 
have  spent  months  in  making  these  trinkets  and 
days  in  bringing  them  on  foot  to  the  cities  and  larger 
towns,  packed  in  great  crates  upon  their  backs.  All 
are  accompanied  by  their  entire  families,  with  whom 
they  set  up  housekeeping  in  the  booths  themselves, 
so  that  the  gaudy  display  of  wares  takes  place  in 
an  atmosphere  of  savory  cooking  and  tumbling 
Indian  babies.  Each  of  the  half-dozen  festival 
periods  when  the  booths  are  erected  has  its  distinc- 
tive toys  and  trinkets.  The  Easter  puestos  are  filled 
not  only  with  religious  images,  but  also  with  gaudy 
and  terrible-visaged  dolls  representing  Judas,  the 
betrayer.  These  images,  usually  of  papier-mache, 
are  supposed  to  be  hung  and  destroyed  at  noon  on 
Holy  Saturday  when  the  Passion  ends. 

At  nightfall  on  Holy  Thursday  the  church  bells 
become  silent,  the  devout  Mexicans  put  on  com- 
plete mourning,  and  the  streets  become  silent.  No 
church  bells  ring  until  noon  on  Saturday,  at  which 
time  in  the  capital  the  great  bell  of  the  Cathedral 
booms  out  and  starts  the  pandemonium  which  is 
carried  from  church  to  church  as  the  bells  break  out 
in  violent  and  most  unmusical  noise.  At  this  mo- 
ment the  Judases  are  strung  up,  many  from  the 
balconies  of  business  buildings  and  along  the  main 
streets,  firecrackers  and  explosives  within  the  larger 
ones  burst  them  into  pieces,  and  the  crackling  and 
explosion  of  the  images  adds  to  the  clamor  of  the 
bells.  In  their  explosion  the  Judases  scatter  abroad 

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sweetmeats  and  cakes,  bread  and  pennies,  for  which 
the  populace  scrambles  with  glee,  an  appreciation 
not  alone  of  the  symbolic  revenge  upon  the  ber 
trayer.  The  celebration  of  Holy  Week  is  not  always 
confined  to  the  destruction  of  Judases  and  the 
ceremonies  of  the  Church.  Certain  villages  have 
traditional  celebrations  of  the  Passion,  in  which  a 
play,  including  even  the  crucifixion  itself,  is  given 
by  local  devotees.  In  fact,  there  have  been  occa- 
sions when  these  local  Passion  Plays  have  gone  so 
far  as  actual  crucifixion,  the  result  of  a  religious 
fanaticism  which  appears  from  time  to  time  in  vari- 
ous sections  of  Mexico  as  well  as  in  other  countries. 
Aside  from  the  fanatical  phases,  however,  these 
local  Passion  Plays  are  usually  extremely  ludicrous 
and  yet  illuminating  in  their  demonstration  of  the 
Indian  conception  of  the  Christian  story. 

Corpus  Christi,  which  falls  in  May  or  June,  is 
usually  a  Church  festival  of  great  pomp,  but  as 
there  are  now  no  religious  street  processions  in 
Mexico,  the  spectacular  features  are  not  so  evident 
as  they  were  in  older  days. 

A  typical  Mexican  festival  is  the  celebration  of 
the  day  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  in  June,  when  the 
devil  is  supposed  to  roam  abroad.  This  is  very 
largely  a  children's  festival,  and  little  papier-mache 
or  pottery  devils  are  distributed,  together  with  toy 
swords  and  pistols  with  which  the  children  promptly 
annihilate  the  images  of  their  arch  enemy. 

The  feast  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  on  June  24,  is 
noted  as  the  one  day  upon  which  all  Mexicans  take 
a  bath.  It  may  well  be  that  the  Indian  and  peon 

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THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

of  the  plateau  do  not  bathe  throughout  the  year, 
but  this  religious  festival  is  observed  not  only  in 
spirit  but  in  the  letter,  with  a  scrubbing  more  or 
less  effective,  although  the  locale  of  the  ceremonial 
is  not  at  a  religious  shrine,  and  the  rivers  and  the 
public  bathhouses  are  crowded  from  dawn  until 
midnight. 

The  celebration  of  the  16th  of  September,  the 
anniversary  of  the  cry  of  Dolores  when  the  priest 
Hidalgo  roused  the  Indians  against  the  Spaniards 
in  1810,  is  the  great  national  festival,  the  second  hi 
importance  being  May  5,  the  anniversary  of  the 
victory  over  the  French  at  Puebla.  Both  are  always 
celebrated  by  military  parades,  band  concerts  and 
fireworks. 

The  double  festival  of  All  Saints'  and  All  Souls' 
Days,  November  1  and  2,  is  one  of  the  occasions 
when  the  booths  again  appear  along  the  edges  of 
the  markets  and  parks,  and  when  trinkets  typical 
of  the  season  are  sold.  Skeletons,  grimly  humorous 
coffins,  toys  and  specially  made  cakes  and  sweet- 
meats are  for  sale.  Theoretically  the  Mexican  uses 
the  latter  to  decorate  the  graves  of  his  dead.  Thou- 
sands make  a  pilgrimage,  on  November  1,  to  the 
cemeteries, where  they  follow  an  ancient  custom  of 
placing  food  and  drink  and  gifts  upon  the  graves 
so  that  the  spirits  who  are  to  return  to  earth  upon 
the  morrow  may  have  human  comforts  on  their 
journey. 

December  12,  the  day  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe, 
is  celebrated  throughout  Mexico,  and  also  on  the 
twelfth  of  each  month  special  pilgrimages  from  dis- 

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tant  States  come  to  the  capital  to  visit  the  shrine. 
The  celebration  of  this  festival  at  the  suburb  of 
Guadalupe  is  marked  with  innumerable  picturesque 
and  significant  features.  Hundreds  of  the  worship- 
ers who  are  camped  about  in  the  streets  of  the  village 
and  in  the  fields  surrounding  it  climb  to  the  summit 
of  the  hill  upon  their  knees.  Other  hundreds  drink 
the  waters  of  the  miraculous  spring  which  still  flows 
from  the  side  of  the  sacred  hill,  and  the  trade  in 
empty  beer  bottles  in  which  to  transport  the  holy 
water  home  is  brisk  and  lucrative. 

The  Guadalupe  church  and  its  many  chapels  are 
crowded  from  morning  until  late  at  night,  and  serv- 
ices are  continuous,  not  only  on  the  Holy  Day  itself, 
but  before  and  after  it.  The  draperies  and  banners 
of  the  interior  of  the  church  are  spangled  with  new 
silver  and  gold  offerings,  medals  or  representations 
of  various  portions  of  the  anatomy,  arms  and  legs 
and  heads,  as  votive  offerings  accompanied  by 
prayers  for  recovery  from  disease.  Many  miracu- 
lous cures  are  reported  during  each  of  the  annual 
celebrations  and  a  great  pile  of  crutches  and  canes 
in  a  sacristy  room  is  tangible  proof  thereof. 

Outside,  the  streets  are  lined  with  booths  where 
food,  medals  and  pictures  are  sold.  On  Guadalupe 
Day  in  particular  tiny  reproductions  of  the  Virgin 
surrounded  by  diminutive  glistening  mirrors  are 
disposed  of  by  the  booth  holders.  It  is  amusing — or 
shocking — to  some  to  find  these  mirror-encased 
pictures  of  the  Virgin  forming  the  headdresses  of 
the  dancers  in  the  pagan  rites  which  are  carried  on 
in  the  very  shadow  of  the  church  to  the  music  of 

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THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

drum  and  fife  suggestive  of  the  savage  dances  of  all 
primitive  peoples. 

The  Christmas  celebrations  follow  hard  on 
Guadalupe  Day,  for  Christmas  in  Mexico  is  cele- 
brated for  nine  days,  with  the  culmination  on 
Christmas  Eve.  The  booths  are  filled  with  images 
of  the  Christ  Child,  of  the  Holy  Family  and  the 
Magi.  In  addition  the  entire  fund  of  imagination 
and  tradition  of  the  Indian  is  called  upon  for  the 
production  of  toys  and  whistles,  dolls,  bonbons  and 
everything  which  can  give  joy  to  a  Mexican  child. 
These  trinkets  are  bought  by  the  dozen  and  with 
sweetmeats  and  bits  of  sugar  cane  go  to  fill  the  tall 
earthen  pots  decorated  with  papier-mache  and  tissue 
paper  which  are  called  pinatas.  The  pinatas  are  the 
Mexican  Christmas  trees  and  besides  the  cheap 
gifts  which  are  to  be  bought  at  the  puestosj  are 
often  stuffed  with  valuable  presents  and  money. 
The  pinatas  are  strung  up  at  the  Christmas  parties, 
and  in  succession  each  child,  blindfolded,  is  given  a 
club  and  has  a  chance  to  break  the  earthen  jug, 
upon  which  consummation  the  entire  company  joins 
in  a  joyous  scramble  for  the  presents.  Theoret- 
ically the  pinata  is  broken  only  on  Christmas  Eve, 
but  throughout  the  entire  nine  days  of  the  Christ- 
mas celebration  pinata  parties  are  held  by  all  classes. 

The  nine-day  celebration  is  usually  carried  out 
by  nine  families,  the  entire  company  gathering  on 
succeeding  evenings  in  different  houses.  A  proces- 
sion with  a  brief  ceremony  is  the  solemn  part  of  the 
festivity,  the  nine-day  celebration  being  in  memory 
of  the  nine  days'  journey  of  Joseph  and  Mary  to 

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Bethlehem.  Each  night  the  Holy  Family,  repre- 
sented by  images  carried  by  guests,  asks  hi  rhyme 
for  shelter,  and  each  night  it  is  refused,  until  Christ- 
mas Eve,  when,  with  an  image  of  the  Christ  Child, 
they  finally  find  their  only  refuge  in  a  stable,  fitted 
up  more  or  less  elaborately  and  with  more  or  less 
beautiful  figures.  Each  evening  ends  in  a  dance  and 
supper,  the  most  elaborate  being  that  of  Christmas 
Eve,  or  the  Noche  Buena  (Blessed  Night),  when  the 
entire  nine  families  are  guests  at  the  house  of  the 
family  which  can  entertain  them  best. 

In  the  celebration  of  the  religious  holidays  in 
Mexico,  one  can  invariably  trace  the  pagan  survi- 
vals, while  in  the  celebration  of  the  national  holi- 
days one  finds  relics  of  Aztec  and  Spanish  royal 
festivals.  In  essence  the  Mexican  feast  days,  how- 
ever, are  very  much  alike,  whether  they  be  the 
celebration  of  Guadalupe  Day,  of  the  Mexican  In- 
dependence, or  of  a  local  holy  day  before  a  village 
shrine.  Always  there  are  the  little  booths  where  the 
Indians  of  outlying  villages  come  to  sell  their  trin- 
kets, their  sweetmeats,  their  potteries  and  their 
baskets  to  the  holiday  makers.  Always  there  is 
music  and  always  there  are  dances.  The  strange 
conglomeration  of  European  and  Indian  ideas  may 
be  of  interest  to  the  archaeologist,  but  the  Indian  and 
the  peon  and  the  Mexican  small  boy  and  little  girl 
find  in  them  all  the  thrilling  enjoyment  which  be- 
longs only  to  childhood,  either  of  race  or  of  years. 

There  are  innumerable  local  festivals  and  special 
celebrations  of  a  religious  nature  which  can  be 
traced  back  to  Indian  custom  and  usually  to  certain 

87 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

traditions  of  the  Church  itself.  The  instance  which 
comes  to  mind  is  the  blessing  of  the  animals  on  the 
day  of  St.  Anthony  the  Abbot,  when  in  the  door- 
way of  the  church  dedicated  to  this  saint  burros, 
cows,  sheep  and  pigs,  parrots  and  cats  are  brought 
to  receive  a  sprinkling  of  holy  water  and  a  brief 
benediction  from  the  priest.  That  this  custom  is  an 
inheritance  by  the  good  St.  Anthony  from  some 
Aztec  god  seems  beyond  question,  and  priests  new- 
come  from  Spain  or  Italy  are  frank  in  then*  shocked 
surprise  over  the  literalness  of  many  of  the  cele- 
brations in  which  they  are  called  upon  to  take  part. 

The  attitude  of  the  Mexican  toward  the  fiesta 
has  not,  however,  been  exaggerated  by  most  of 
those  who  have  recorded  such  incidents  as  this. 
The  fact  that  a  miniature  strike  can  be  created  in 
almost  any  industry  by  telling  the  peons  that  a 
festival  is  being  celebrated  in  a  near-by  town,  is 
humorous  enough,  but  is  unfortunately  literally 
true.  The  slightest  excuse  is  sufficient  for  a  festival, 
and  the  excuse  is  sought  as  often  as  the  American 
small  boy  seeks  an  excuse  to  go  to  a  ball  game,  or  to 
play  hookey  from  school.  No  employer  can  safely 
refuse  permission  to  his  peons  to  celebrate  his  own 
birthday,  nor  indeed  that  of  his  wife  or  his  daughter, 
nor  that  of  his  son,  nor  the  baptism  of  his  baby,  so 
that  the  number  of  festivals  celebrated  in  any 
Mexican  community  is  in  direct  ratio  to  the  infor- 
mation and  inventiveness  of  the  inhabitants. 

The  personal  feast  day,  whether  that  of  an  em- 
ployer whose  peons  erect  a  shaky  arch  of  flowers 
before  his  doorway  and  disturb  his  slumbers  with 

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dolorous  music,  or  that  of  a  child,  a  parent  or  com- 
padre,  takes  on  the  nature  of  a  true  fiesta.  Usually 
it  is  the  saint's  day  or  onomdstico  that  is  celebrated, 
with  a  party,  with  gifts  both  to  and  from  the  hon- 
ored individual,  and  with  the  formal  felicitations 
of  his  friends.  The  birthday,  although  not  always 
celebrated  with  a  feast,  is  remembered  with  cards 
and  congratulations  and  is  referred  to  glowingly  as 
the  cumpkanos  (literally  the  "achievement  of 
years75)  or  as  one's  "day  of  days." 

The  Mexican's  amusements  and  recreations  take 
myriad  forms  other  than  the  formal  fiesta  and  its 
accompaniments.  Bullfights,  cockfights,  gambling 
and  intoxication  are  balanced  against  music  of 
every  sort,  social  dancing,  the  theater  and  athletics. 
The  cruelty  of  the  amusements  typical  to  Mexico 
has  been  the  subject  of  many  diatribes.  The  bull- 
fight and  the  cockfight  are  undoubtedly  an  expres- 
sion of  a  certain  savagery  not  confined  merely  to 
the  Indian,  but  coming  from  both  his  Spanish  and 
his  indigenous  strains.  In  the  great  days  of  the 
bullfights,  the  immense  arena  of  Mexico  City,  where 
fifteen  thousand  spectators  could  be  seated,  was 
the  scene  of  magnificent  gatherings  of  society  as 
well  as  of  the  common  people  of  the  land.  The 
goring  of  the  horses,  perhaps  the  most  disagreeable 
portion  of  the  battle,  was  looked  upon  with  equan- 
imity, although  the  only  applause  which  the  riders 
received  was  when  they  skilfully  avoided  allowing 
their  poor  mounts  to  be  caught  on  the  horns  of  the 
bull.  With  a  particularly  powerful  bull,  however, 
it  was  considered  necessary,  hi  order  to  tire  the  bull, 

89 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

to  allow  him  to  kill  several  horses.  The  handling 
of  the  bull  itself  was  a  matter  of  skill  and  daring, 
and  there  was  little  bloodshed  except  by  the  one 
skilful  stroke  between  the  shoulder  blades  by  an 
able  matador.  In  the  country,  on  the  other  hand, 
and  in  the  hands  of  amateurs,  the  bullfights  are 
very  likely  to  reach  a  most  disgusting  depth  of 
butchery,  and  the  enjoyment  is  confined  almost 
alone  to  the  pleasure  of  seeing  blood  flow. 

Another  feature  of  the  bullfighting  which  is  too 
often  overlooked  by  the  moralists  who  have  in- 
veighed against  it  is  the  matter  of  the  mere  baiting 
of  the  bull.  The  cruelty  inflicted  upon  the  animal 
by  his  rage  is  seldom  spoken  of,  and  even  to-day  the 
Mexican  festivals  on  the  farms  where  a  young  bull 
is  chased  and  beaten  from  the  walls  of  an  impro- 
vised arena,  tired  out,  kicked  and  finally  thrown, 
and  ultimately  ridden  by  daring  cowboys,  is  a 
phase  of  cruelty  to  the  animal  which  is  in  some 
ways  more  degrading  to  the  spectators  than  wit- 
nessing a  skilful  bullfight  by  trained  masters. 

Cockfighting  is  a  thoroughly  gladiatorial  combat, 
the  occasion  for  heavy  betting  and  almost  inevitable 
death  to  at  least  one  of  the  contestants.  The 
birds,  bred  and  trained  for  the  battle,  fight  with 
gaffs  of  razorlike  sharpness  from  three  to  four  inches 
long,  and  the  conqueror  of  a  spirited  fight  is  often 
as  near  dead  as  his  antagonist.  Aside  from  its 
cruelty  to  the  animal,  cock-fighting  is  significant 
chiefly  as  an  outlet  for  the  gambling  instinct,  for 
it  is  always  the  occasion  for  bets  and  wagers  some- 
tunes  running  into  large  figures. 

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Gambling  is,  indeed,  one  of  the  true  "  recrea- 
tions "  of  the  Mexican  people;  its  various  forms, 
Aztec  and  Spanish,  tempt  Creole,  mestizo  and 
Indian  alike,  although  (perhaps  because  they  have 
more  spare  change)  it  is  considered  a  vice  of  white 
and  mestizo  particularly.  In  this  connection  one 
cannot  omit  listing  the  recreational  features  of 
drinking,  smoking  and  sex,  all  of  which  rank  as 
amusements  as  well  as  among  the  true  national 
vices.  Few  Mexicans  of  the  lower  classes  consider 
them  as  anything  but  recreation,  and  none  of  any 
class  would  consider  their  omission  from  that 
category  justified. 

Of  the  milder  forms  of  personal  amusement  and 
recreation  the  most  thoroughly  Mexican  is  perhaps 
the  promenade.  Since  colonial  tunes,  at  least,  all 
Mexicans  have  found  much  pleasure  and  satisfac- 
tion in  walks  and  rides  abroad.  Under  the  viceroys 
the  upper  classes  rode  forth,  the  men  on  horseback 
(often  in  native  costume),  the  ladies  in  generous 
victorias  drawn  by  beautiful  horses.  In  the  palmy 
days  of  Diaz  this  custom  had  grown  to  an  institu- 
tion, and  each  afternoon,  and  on  Sunday  mornings 
as  well,  the  most  beautiful  equipages  bearing  the 
most  beautiful  women  of  the  capital  drove  slowly 
up  and  down  San  Francisco  Street  between  rows 
of  gaping  bystanders,  and  after  an  hour  (at  sunset  in 
the  afternoon)  drove  briskly  away  and  out  the 
beautiful  Paseo  de  la  Reforma  to  the  park  and 
restaurant  of  Chapultepec,  a  miniature  and  beau- 
tiful Bois  de  Boulogne. 

On  Sunday  mornings  the  more  conventional  of 

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THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

the  older  families  and  hosts  of  the  middle  and  lower 
classes  had  then:  promenade  on  foot,  the  center 
being,  in  the  capital,  the  beautiful  Alameda,  where 
the  finest  bands  of  the  country  played  to  great 
throngs  who  walked  or  sat  in  the  shaded  parks. 
These  customs  find  their  replica,  hi  minor,  hi  all 
the  cities  and  towns  of  the  republic. 

The  social  intercourse  of  Mexican  families  of 
the  middle  and  upper  classes  is  very  Likely  to  be  a 
tremendous  affair,  following  as  it  does  the  heavy 
round  of  tradition.  Calls  are  exchanged  by  the 
ladies,  but  the  men  and  the  children  are  invariably 
included  in  the  evening  parties,  or  tertulias.  These 
are  magnificent  occasions  whenever  they  are  ar- 
ranged, and  the  intercourse  of  families  is  almost 
entirely  confined  to  this  form  of  amusement  which 
even  the  Mexicans  find  extremely  "  stuffy."  The 
women  become  acquainted  through  long  and  formal 
calls  (one  hour  being  the  proper  length),  and  if 
their  husbands  meet  also  outside  the  formal  parties, 
the  natural  development  is  a  dia  del  campo,  or 
"day  in  the  country",  the  one  informal  affair  in 
the  Mexican  social  calendar. 

With  the  upper  classes  this  is  a  visit  to  the 
hacienda  of  one,  with  a  great  country  meal  in  its 
cool  halls  or  else  a  barbecue  of  a  kid  in  the  open  air. 
The  dia  del  campo  is  not,  however,  confined  to  the 
upper  class,  but  is  distinctly  and  elaborately  ob- 
served by  every  grade  of  Mexican  society.  Sunday 
is  the  great  festival  day,  beginning  with  a  trip,  if 
possible,  even  if  it  be  no  more  than  a  voyage  in  a 
scow  hired  from  an  Indian  market  gardener,  its 

92 


PLAYTIME  IN  MEXICO 

climax  an  elaborate  meal  served  under  the  trees 
or  bought  at  an  outdoor  restaurant.  The  dia  del 
campo  is  sure  to  end  in  a  dance,  a  form  of  amuse- 
ment— an  exercise  be  it  said — to  which  the  Mexican 
is  exceedingly  partial. 

Aside  from  the  careful  and  not  to  say  elaborate 
chaperonage  which  surrounds  the  Mexican  social 
function,  dancing  is  extremely  popular,  for  it  gives 
definite  opportunity  for  intercourse  between  the 
young  members  of  the  two  sexes,  especially  when 
connected  with  a  dia  del  campo.  Wherever  two 
or  three  families  are  gathered,  then,  the  dance  may 
be  very  informal,  usually  to  the  music  of  two  or 
three  Indian  bandsmen  upon  whatever  instruments 
they  may  have  at  hand. 

The  theater  has  long  been  well  regarded  in 
Mexico,  occupying  relatively  an  even  higher  place 
in  the  life  of  the  people  than  the  theater  hi  the 
United  States  or  England.  Yet  the  number  of 
troupes  traveling  over  the  country  has  always  been 
small,  and  in  the  days  before  motion  pictures,  many 
of  the  most  important  cities  of  the  country  had  good 
drama  only  for  very  brief  seasons  each  year.  Notwith- 
standing this  fact,  almost  every  city  of  prominence 
had  built  itself  a  magnificent  theater,  the  energy 
which  in  the  colonial  times  went  to  the  construc- 
tion of  churches  being  devoted  in  the  tune  of  Diaz 
to  the  erection  of  theaters.  There  have  been  very 
good  actors  in  Mexico  City,  but  the  drama  has 
never  taken  the  form  that  it  has  in  other  countries 
where  long  seasons  of  a  single  play  are  the  reward 
of  a  successful  production. 

93 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

The  Mexican  theatrical  organization  is  inevitably 
a  stock  company,  and  each  season  the  seats  are 
subscribed  for  in  much  the  same  way  as  opera  seats 
are  taken  elsewhere,  so  that  in  order  to  satisfy  the 
exactions  of  an  audience  which  comes  regularly 
the  producers  have  to  change  their  plays  so  often 
that  the  best  of  Mexican  companies,  even  in  the 
capital,  repeat  over  and  over  certain  of  the  Spanish 
classics,  and  seldom,  except  on  special  occasions, 
give  a  native  play  or  a  new  and  untried  European 
success.  This  continuous  change,  combined  with 
generally  poor  stage  direction,  is  responsible  for  the 
chief  bane  of  the  Mexican  theater,  the  prompter. 
Hidden  or  partially  hidden  behind  his  hood  in  the 
middle  of  the  stage,  he  can  be  heard  over  almost  all 
the  theater  giving  the  lines  before  they  are  voiced 
by  the  player  and  successfully  destroying  all  the 
illusions  of  the  stage. 

During  the  days  of  Diaz  there  was  each  year 
at  least  one  season  of  excellent  opera,  usually  given 
by  an  Italian  company  which  had  traveled  in  South 
America  or  in  the  West  Indies,  the  government 
paying  a  handsome  subsidy  for  these  performances. 
Under  Carranza  a  similar  effort  was  made,  but 
without  approaching  the  general  high  level  of  the 
seasons  previous  to  1911. 

The  most  popular  of  Mexican  theatrical  amuse- 
ments, however,  are  the  zarzuelas,  or  Spanish  one- 
act  farces.  Spanish  as  well  as  native  actors  and 
dancers  appear  at  the  various  theaters  where  the 
zarzuela  holds  sway.  The  type  of  performance  given 
is  comparable  to  nothing  which  is  known  in  the 

94 


PLAYTIME  IN  MEXICO 

United  States  or  England,  with  the  possible  excep- 
tion of  a  similarity  in  some  ways  to  the  playlets 
which  are  parts  of  the  vaudeville  or  variety  show. 
Each  of  the  four  acts  or  tandas  of  a  zarzuela  per- 
formance is  a  separate  play  in  which,  however, 
practically  the  entire  caste  takes  part.  Tickets  are 
sold  separately  for  each,  so  that  one  may  either  buy 
a  seat  for  the  entire  evening  or  may  buy  a  tanda  and 
enjoy  the  show  for  half  an  hour.  Such  road  com- 
panies as  exist  in  Mexico  give  zarzuelas,  but  include 
also  in  their  repertory  dramas  and  farces  filling  a 
whole  evening. 

Motion-picture  theaters  have  now  sprung  up  all 
over  the  country  and  have,  as  in  other  lands, 
brought  entertainment  to  those  who  formerly  lived 
lives  of  almost  complete  provincial  seclusion.  The 
French  and  Italian  films  are  the  most  popular,  al- 
though the  American  companies,  especially  during 
the  war,  fitted  up  prints  of  their  productions  with 
Spanish  titles  for  Mexican  and  other  Latin- 
American  consumption.  European  motion-picture 
dramas,  however,  are  preferred,  although  the  Amer- 
ican comedians  of  the  slap-stick  variety  and  the  serial 
" thrillers"  are  perhaps  the  most  profitable  films 
exhibited  in  Mexico.  It  is  interesting  4ihat  the  serial 
films  which  are  produced  for  a  weekly  feature  of 
about  two  reels  over  several  months  in  American 
motion-picture  houses  are  shown  in  Mexico  com- 
plete in  one  sitting,  so  that  forty  reels  will  be  run 
off  in  two  sessions  of  a  single  day,  one  admission 
price  being  charged,  an  intermission  of  an  hour 

95 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

being  given  for  the  audience  to  go  home  to  dinner 
between  7  and  8  o'clock. 

Aside  from  the  theaters  and  such  receptions  and 
balls  as  occur  from  time  to  tune,  there  is  compara- 
tively little  night  life  in  Mexico.  In  happier  tunes 
there  were  cafes  of  the  European  type  which  were 
much  frequented,  but  one  by  one  they  died  out  for 
want  of  patronage,  some  of  the  most  famous  and 
historical  having  passed  during  the  Diaz  regime. 
The  restaurants  which  are  almost  the  sole  successors 
to  the  old  cafes  were  often  characterful  and  popular 
in  the  capital,  but  in  the  provinces,  even  including 
such  large  cities  as  Monterey  and  Guadalajara, 
restaurant  and  cafe  life  is  almost  entirely  absent. 
Even  in  Mexico  City  restaurants  do  not  keep  late 
hours,  there  have  never  been  any  cabarets,  and 
there  is  seldom  any  entertainment  save  the  music 
of  the  orchestra  with  an  occasional  singer.  Closing 
laws  were  enforced  under  Diaz  with  considerable 
rigidity,  saloons  closing  at  10  P.M.  and  restaurants 
at  1  A.M.,  and  the  uncertain  police  conditions  since 
the  revolution  have  made  the  people's  caution  their 
own  curfew. 

The  Mexican  clubs, or  "casinos", differ  little  from 
similar  organizations  elsewhere,  but  they  do  defi- 
nitely take  the  place  of  the  cafe  life  of  European 
cities  and  towns.  They  are  usually  limited  to  men 
of  the  upper  classes,  and  are  far  more  social  than 
sociable,  although  the  great  clubs  of  the  capital 
were,  in  the  time  of  Diaz,  elaborate,  and  popular 
with  their  members. 

Athletics,  as  a  form  of  recreation,  are   almost 

96 


PLAYTIME  IN  MEXICO 

solely  of  foreign  origin,  and  have  come  but  slowly 
to  Mexico.  The  Mexican  does  not  take  kindly  to, 
nor  does  he  usually  play  well,  games  which  involve 
contest.  He  is  a  bad  loser  and  to  this  psychological 
trait  can  probably  be  traced  the  fact  that  he  is  very 
likely  to  cheat.  To  him,  the  contest  is  one  of  his 
brains  against  the  others7  and,  as  we  have  seen,  his 
sense  of  honor  is  largely  concerned  with  maintaining 
his  prestige  rather  than  retaining  the  respect  of 
his  fellows. 

American  and  English  games  are  rather  too 
strenuous,  also,  for  the  Mexican  climate.  Baseball, 
however,  had  a  growing  popularity,  when  there  were 
many  Americans  in  the  capital,  and  some  of  the 
best  players  on  the  local  amateur  teams  were 
Mexican  boys  of  the  upper  class.  The  game  was 
taken  up,  also,  by  Mexican  teams,  and,  despite  the 
departure  of  foreigners,  there  were,  in  1921,  six 
baseball  leagues  in  the  Republic.  About  thirty 
teams  belonged,  and  practically  all  the  players  were 
Mexicans.  A  magnificent  beginning  has  thus  been 
made  in  the  training  of  Mexican  boys  both  in  team- 
work and  in  athletic  development.  The  English 
games  of  cricket  and  association  football  have  long 
been  played  in  Mexico  by  the  British,  and  football 
at  least  has  received  some  attention  and  Mexican 
teams  have  been  organized  during  the  annual  sea- 
son. Polo  was  played  by  the  upper-class  Mexicans 
as  well  as  by  the  English  and  Americans  and  some 
good  native  players  were  developed,  although  the 
best  were  always  men  who  learned  the  game  abroad. 

Bowling  has  grown  somewhat  in  favor  in  Mexico 

97 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

among  the  Mexicans  and  perhaps  a  dozen  bowling 
alleys  exist  in  the  capital,  but  as  a  whole  the  game's 
cousins,  billiards  and  pool,  appeal  more  to  the  in- 
tellectual attitude  of  the  Mexicans.  Horseback 
riding  has  always  been  popular  hi  Mexico,  and 
Mexicans  are  famous  riders  in  almost  every  class. 
Golf  and  tennis  have  attracted  hardly  a  handful  of 
Mexicans  in  the  twenty  years  that  both  have  been 
known  there. 

The  Young  Men's  Christian  Association  has  had 
an  interesting  influence  in  Mexico.  Introduced 
first  through  the  Mexican  Central  Railway  for  its 
American  employees,  the  organization  later  estab- 
lished native  branches  and  trained  native  secretaries 
and  athletic  instructors.  The  work  spread  rapidly 
over  the  country,  and  although  some  of  the  branches 
were  closed  under  Carranza,  their  popularity  was 
such  that  they  were  revived  when  times  began  to 
improve.  There  were  large  classes  in  the  gymna- 
siums, and  a  real  start  was  made  in  track  athletics. 
Baseball  was  especially  encouraged,  and  basket 
ball  and  boxing,  as  well  as  track  work,  also  gained 
headway.  Basket  ball  has  even  been  played  by 
girls  in  some  of  the  private  schools  of  the  capital. 

The  Y.  M.  C.  A.  and  the  foreigners  have  been 
the  chief  influence  in  athletic  development  in 
Mexico,  but  as  far  back  as  1900  physical  exercises 
were  ordered  hi  the  government  schools.  These 
were  supposed  to  be  of  a  hygienic  rather  than 
athletic  character  and  consisted  of  gymnastic  work 
and  fencing.  This  was  expanded  in  some  of  the 
higher  institutions,  notably  the  National  Military 


PLAYTIME  IN  MEXICO 

Academy,  to  weight-lifting,  drilling  with  heavy 
bars,  dumb-bells,  etc.  A  craze  for  fencing  came  in 
after  the  Madero  revolution  and  Italian  masters 
were  brought  over  to  instruct  the  students  in  the 
higher  public  schools. 

There  are,  moreover,  certain  native  forces  tend- 
ing to  build  up  the  athletic  life  of  Mexico.  Among 
some  of  the  Indians  wrestling  is  a  popular  sport, 
and  the  interest  in  athletic  exhibitions,  where  the 
Mexican  formerly  looked  on,  has  often  led  to  his 
regarding  them  as  possible  opportunities  for  his 
own  playing.  One  of  these  games  is  pelota,  as  it  is 
called  in  Mexico  (Jai-alai  elsewhere),  the  Basque 
sport  of  playing  a  ball  against  three  walls  and  the 
pavement  with  terrific  force,  throwing  and  catching 
it  in  a  basket  attached  to  the  arm.  It  is  com- 
parable only  to  lacrosse,  which  its  athletic  features 
somewhat  resemble.  Mexicans  at  one  time  found 
this  sport  interesting,  not  only  as  a  gambling 
opportunity,  but  also  as  something  that  they 
themselves  could  learn  and  play.  It  is,  however, 
an  extremely  violent  game  and  no  one  can  safely 
play  it  who  is  not  in  the  pink  of  condition.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  bull-fighting  which  at  one  time 
was  a  popular  amateur  sport  with  those  who  could 
afford  it. 

As  a  people,  however,  the  Mexicans  are  not 
athletic  and  probably  never  will  be,  for  the  climate 
is  decidedly  against  all  violent  exercise  and  exacts 
an  undue  toll  even  from  normal  exertion.  Only 
on  its  psychological  side  can  athletics  be  considered 

of  vital  importance, — in  the  development  of  team- 

99 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

work  and  sportsmanship  and  in  the  encouragement 
of  participation  instead  of  observation  merely.  It 
seems  that  these  features  are  being  developed  by 
baseball,  which  there,  as  elsewhere,  has  stimulated 
the  sense  of  play  and  is  certainly  as  near  a  "  na- 
tional sport "  as  Mexico  has  so  far  attained. 

Again,  however,  the  amusements  of  this  people 
must  be  noted  at  their  face  value,  for  what  they 
actually  are  and  not  for  what  they  may  attain  or 
what  a  few  individuals  have  achieved.  By  this 
standard  Mexico's  recreations  are  but  reflexes  of 
her  past  and  of  her  desires  for  the  present,  simple, 
childlike,  seeking  pleasure  and  fun  first,  and  quite 
without  any  understanding  of  the  more  compli- 
cated Anglo-Saxon  conception  that  play  is  some- 
thing that  is  "good  for  you." 


100 


CHAPTER  V 

MEXICAN   CULTURE 

THE  standards  of  Mexican  culture  are  Spanish, 
but  Spain's  domination  of  its  outward  mani- 
festations does  not  penetrate  so  deeply  as  appears 
at  first  blush.  The  tools  with  which  Mexican  art 
has  been  created  are  almost  uniformly  Indian. 
The  architecture  and  indeed  the  graphic  arts 
trace  back  to  the  Conquerors,  but  the  handicraft, 
in  all  its  glory  and  beauty  of  detail,  is  that  of 
Indian  workmen.  Literature,  education,  religion 
are  Spanish,  chiefly,  but  again  the  product  has  been 
shaped  by  Indian  thought,  Indian  living,  Indian 
apathy.  The  relationship  extends  through  all 
Mexican  life,  but  nowhere  is  the  deep,  sullen,  yet 
often  beautiful  and  lovable  Indian  strain  more 
obvious  than  on  the  cultural  plane. 

This  is  important  in  our  understanding  of  Mexi- 
can mentality,  and  its  divergences  carry  us  back 
directly  to  the  difference  in  race  and  in  the  stages 
of  cultural  civilization.  The  Aztecs  lived  in  an  era 
of  human  sacrifices,  of  cannibalism,  and  of  rulers 
to  whose  despotic  cruelties  they  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  submit  themselves  for  unchanging  ages. 
Their  government  was  a  theocracy,  their  culture 

expressed  hi  picture-writing,  in  astrology  and  in 

101 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

folk- tales  and  mythology  which  place  them  in  actu- 
ality on  a  parallel  with  European  tribes  of  three 
thousand  rather  than  one  thousand  years  before  the 
Conquest.  Only  in  the  arts  of  building  and  of 
luxury  did  their  empire  rank  up  in  the  scale. 

The  Spaniards  brought  with  them  to  Mexico  the 
highest  culture  of  the  Europe  of  their  day.  Ener- 
getic, progressive  indeed,  intensely  religious, 
haughty  and  proud  of  their  race  and  civilization, 
they  met  and  conquered  a  people  who  were  without 
firearms  or  military  science,  with  relatively  little 
cultural  cohesion,  a  people  servile,  obedient  and 
indolent,  ruled  and  led  to  war  only  by  despotic  and 
predatory  chieftains. 

The  triumph  of  the  white  man's  culture  was  so 
absolute  in  outward  seeming  and  the  collapse  of  the 
Indian  civilization  so  complete  that  it  apparently 
brought  all  the  Indians  under  the  direct  and  imme- 
diate sway  of  Spain  and  the  Church.  For  three 
hundred  years  only  one  culture  prevailed  hi  Mexico, 
and  if  it  seems  to-day  as  if  Spain's  greatest  effect 
was  the  destruction  of  the  intellectual  as  well  as  the 
material  bases  of  Indian  progress,  we  must  realize 
that,  after  all,  the  very  fact  of  the  Aztecs'  aston- 
ishing collapse  is  indicative,  at  least,  of  their  in- 
ability to  meet  their  crises. 

Spain,  however  we  may  regard  the  causes,  cer- 
tainly dominated  the  culture  of  Mexico  from  the 
very  moment  of  her  triumph.  A  generation  of 
Indian  poets  and  artists,  and  the  last  trace  of 
genius  in  the  native  race  was  gone.  The  language, 
the  standards,  the  religion  of  Castile  became  Mex- 

102 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

ican,  but  with  all  their  many  faults,  these  three  did 
indeed  furnish  a  stout  harness  for  the  turning  of 
Indian  power  to  the  creation  of  the  Mexico  that  we 
know.  With  Spain  as  the  intellectual  as  well  as 
the  political  master,  the  Indians  became  slaves 
even  more  completely  culturally  than  they  were 
physically. 

This  era  continued  down  to  the  Independence, 
when  a  new  element  came  to  destroy  one  period  of 
progress  without  creating  a  new.  After  the  success 
of  the  revolution  had  been  achieved  by  the  Creoles 
through  the  methods  of  the  white  man,  the  Creoles 
were  in  turn  driven  out  by  the  mestizos.  In  this 
political  upheaval  we  find  the  first  appearance  of 
the  mestizo  culture,  using  culture  in  the  definitive 
sense.  This  has  manifested  itself  in  the  same  intel- 
lectual hybridism,  emotional  chaos  and  rabid  indi- 
vidualism that  distinguishes  the  mestizo  touch  in 
all  Mexico.  Claiming  a  white  heritage  and  main- 
taining a  hazy  contact  with  European  thought,  the 
mestizo  discarded  the  paternal  understanding  of  the 
Spaniard,  destroyed  such  vestiges  as  remained  of 
Indian  cultural  adaptation  and  began  the  masquer^ 
ading  of  his  ideals  of  personalism  and  destruction  in\ 
an  over-emphasis  of  his  peculiar  conception  of  the 
white  man's  progress.  Throwing  away  what  under- 
standing of  the  Indian  the  Spanish  regime  had  left 
to  him,  he  began  borrowing  from  Frenchman  and 
German,  from  Englishman  and  American,  this  and 
that  and  the  other  idea  of  intellectual  and  political 
virtue.  These  he  has  adapted  wholesale  to  Mexican 
problems  with  colossal  misunderstanding  both  of 

103 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

the  culture  which  he  borrowed  and  of  the  soil  ID 
which  he  has  planted  it.  The  mestizo  " culture"  is 
based  upon  the  preconceived  idea  that  Mexico  must 
fit  the  mestizo's  peculiar  picture  of  a  European 
community,  whether  she  wishes  it  or  not.  A  deca- 
dent Spanish  feudalism,  a  hybrid  French  philosophy, 
an  Indianized  German  socialism  and  a  deep-tanned 
English  empire  building, — these  the  mestizo  has 
combined  with  a  crass  imitation  of  American  polit- 
ical organization  and  American  industrialism  to 
create  the  astonishing  cultural  mixture  which  has 
been  the  bane  of  his  national  and  intellectual 
history. 

The  cultural  problem  of  Mexico  has  indeed  al- 
ways been  marked  by  the  failure  of  the  protagonists 
of  the  higher  culture  to  seek  any  contact,  save  that 
of  the  opportunist,  with  the  lower.  Seldom,  even 
at  its  wisest,  did  the  Spanish  rule  of  Mexico  reach 
down  to  understand  the  Indian  and  by  the  Indian's 
own  standards  and  virtues  to  raise  him  to  a  plane 
where  he  might  meet  the  conditions  of  the  modern 
world  on  anything  like  equal  terms.  Rather  such 
success  as  the  Spaniards  had  was  due  to  elements 
within  their  own  culture  which  made  possible  the 
needed  adaptation  to  bend  Indian  power  to  the 
realization  of  their  own  ideals,  and  more  than  all 
else,  the  inherent  if  poorly  expressed  willingness  of 
the  white  to  help  his  darker  brother  to  rise, — the 
one  trait  above  all  others  which  the  half-breed  does 
not  inherit  from  his  fair-skinned  ancestor. 

The  Spaniards  destroyed  the  arts  of  the  Aztecs 
by  the  very  process  which  to-day  is  the  most  potent 

104 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

of  all  forces  in  Mexico, — substitution.    How  well 
developed  that  art  was  we  cannot  truly  estimate, 
for  practically  all  that  is  left  of  it  are  the  stone 
ruins  and  idols,  some  thirty  illuminated  parchment 
scrolls   or   codices,   a   few   examples   of   beautiful 
feather  work,  a  very  little  carved  jewelry,  some 
crude  pottery  and  some  examples  of  fine  weaving. 
Even  the  civilization  of  Gnossos  has  left  more 
tangible  proof  of  its  rank,  and  in  reality  we  have 
little  more  than  the  glowing  tales  of  the  conquerors 
(whose   enthusiasms   are   exceeded   only   by   the 
redoubtable  Baron  Munchausen)   as  evidence  of 
the  refinement  and  magnificence  of  the  Aztec  court. 
There  is  no  desire  or  need  of  belittling  the  won- 
derful   architectural    works    of    these    interesting 
aborigines,  or  any  possibility  of  discounting  the 
greatness  of  their  artistic  achievements.    But  if, 
as  we  must,  we  judge  the  Indians  of  the  pre- 
Hispanic  era  by  the  Indians  of  to-day,  we  are  forced 
to  the  realization  that  then,  as  now,  they  were 
skilful  imitators,  beautiful  craftsmen  under  direc- 
tion, but  as  a  people  lacking  in  originality  and  true 
creative  sense.    Their  aristocracies,  succeeding  each 
other,  passing  from  hand  to  hand  the  torch  of  then* 
knowledge,    seem    to    have   been   the    only    true 
creators.     Cortez's  chroniclers  say  that  the  wonder- 
ful feather  work,  which  was  perhaps  the  highest 
artistic  achievement  after  sculpture  of  the  Mexican 
Indians,  was  a  craft  of  the  upper  classes,  who 
followed  it  as  the  court  ladies  of  medieval  Europe 
followed  tapestry  making.    The  architecture  of  this 
era,  highly  developed  within  decided  limitations, 

105 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

was  apparently  more  massive  than  elegant,  lacked 
constructive  skill  (even  the  arch  was  unknown), 
and  was  rigidly  conventional.  The  sculpture,  in 
finish  close  to  perfection,  was  stiff  and  unimagina- 
tive, lacking  in  pictorial  concept  and  usually  in 
artistic  proportion.  The  paintings  which  survive 
in  the  codices  (which  the  Indians  told  Cortez  were 
their  most  esteemed  works  of  art)  are  crude, 
extremely  conventional,  without  perspective  and 
with  little  color  appreciation.  Of  the  jewelry 
work  in  gold  and  silver,  we  have  practically  nothing 
but  the  word  of  the  conquerors,  who  were,  as  usual, 
most  enthusiastic;  the  manufacture  of  the  precious 
metals  into  jewels  was  early  prohibited  by  the 
Crown,  such  wealth  going  direct  to  Spain  in  the 
form  of  bullion,  and  the  much  praised  works  of 
metallic  art  were  themselves  melted  down  when- 
ever discovered. 

All  this  is  so  at  variance  with  the  common  con- 
ception that  its  statement  seems  crude  and  unap- 
preciative.  But  it  is  rather  taking  the  sensible 
viewpoint  that  the  wonderful  works  of  the  Aztecs 
and  their  predecessors  were  noteworthy  manifesta- 
tions of  a  very  high  degree  of  barbaric  culture, 
perhaps  the  most  interesting  and  awe-inspiring 
relics  on  the  Western  Hemisphere.  But  by  the 
self-imposed  standards  of  those  who  praise  them, 
they  fail  miserably  to  sustain  the  contention  that 
the  Aztecs  had  reached  a  high  degree  of  true 
civilization.  Wonderful  but  latent  possibilities 
existed  there,  and  no  question  can  be  raised  (except 
climatically  and  racially)  that  this  barbaric  culture 

106 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

might  have  developed,  if  left  alone,  into  something 
worthy  indeed  of  all  that  has  been  said  in  its  praise. 

Its  greatest  value,  however,  seems  to  be  that 
which  the  Spaniards  harnessed,  the  adaptive  and 
understanding  skill  of  the  native  artisan  under 
intelligent  direction.  The  Mexican  Indian  was — 
and  is — a  fine  craftsman,  and  the  Spaniards  used 
this  skill  with  not  a  little  wisdom,  in  the  creation 
of  the  most  wonderful  colonial  architecture  in  the 
New  World.  The  pity  of  it  has  been,  then,  not 
the  imposition  of  European  artistic  standards,  but 
the  failure  to  develop  Indian  imitative  ability  and 
handicraft  within  those  standards  to  an  originality, 
a  cultural  force,  which  might  long  since  have  placed 
them  firmly  on  their  own  feet.  We  do  not  indeed 
know  that  this  could  have  been  done,  but  the 
record  of  human  and  group  crisis  shows  that  when 
the  crisis  fails  to  develop  adaptability,  it  tends  to 
destroy  the  best  in  the  old  and  to  accept  the  worst 
in  the  new. 

To-day,  in  studying  the  culture  of  Mexico,  we 
face  the  facts  alone,  and  those  tell  us  that  virtually 
every  art,  native  and  foreign,  bears  the  mark  of 
Spain.  But  Spanish  art  has  had,  since  the  days 
of  the  Moors,  a  peculiar  trait  unknown  to  any 
other  artistic  concept  of  Europe, — the  trait  of 
close  identification  with  the  soil  of  the  land  where 
it  flourishes.  Previous  to  the  Renaissance,  the 
art  of  Europe  had  definite  roots  in  the  soil.  Egyp- 
tian, Greek  and  early  Roman  buildings  and  statues 
belong  to  the  spots  where  they  were  made,  maintain 

the  contours  of  their  landscapes,  the  colors  of  their 

107 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

rocks  and  trees  and  flowers.  With  the  Renaissance, 
seeking  more  the  idea  than  the  appropriate  form, 
painting  and  architecture  were  cast  hi  a  new  mold 
and  slipped  far  away  from. the  beauty  of  native 
colors  and  native  outlines;  this  Renaissance  spirit 
dominates  Europe  and  America  to-day  and  still 
stifles  the  expression,  in  form  and  material,  of  the 
individual  place  where  it  is  created. 

In  Spain,  on  the  other  hand,  there  has,  since  the 
Moors,  been  an  artistic  identification  with  Spain 
itself.  Moorish  artisans,  making  annual  pilgrimages 
to  Mecca,  there  met  and  talked  with  Persian  artists 
and  received  from  them  the  basic  conception  of  the 
unity  of  art  with  life  and  physical  environment 
which  made  the  artistic  contributions  to  Spain  of 
the  Moors  and  of  the  Spaniards  who  followed  the 
Moors  so  deep  and  beautiful  a  part  of  the  identity 
of  the  land  itself.1 

All  who  have  thrilled  at  the  harmonized  beauty 
of  the  Alhambra,  and  all  who  have  gasped  at  the 
first  sight  of  the  cathedral  of  Toledo,  towering  above 
its  hills  like  a  pinnacle  of  its  own  rocky  foundation, 
will  realize,  in  recollection,  their  contrast  with  the 
jeweled  but  almost  incongruous  beauty  of  the 
Gothic  cathedrals  set  on  the  flat  plains  in  Northern 
France. 

It  was  this  spirit  that  dominated  the  artistic  con- 
tribution of  Spain  in  Mexico.  The  completeness  of 
the  harmonies  of  the  great  churches,  towering  as 
they  do  above  the  hovels  of  Mexican  villages,  their 

1  Cf.  Wallace  Thompson,  ''The  Art  of  the  Spaniard  Anglada," 
Fine  Arts  Journal,  Chicago,  May,  1913. 

108 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

tiled  and  colored  domes  glistening  as  though 
dreamed  of  only  to  catch  and  resolve  like  prisms  the 
Mexican  sunlight,  the  carved  fagades  seemingly  de- 
signed but  to  give  glory  to  Mexican  moonlight,  sift 
into  the  heart  of  every  observer.  Instinctive  it  all 
must  have  been,  and  yet  the  perfection  of  the  blend- 
ing of  Spanish  architectural  genius  and  Indian 
artisanship  seems  as  if  some  colossal  mind  had 
planned,  from  the  beginning  of  time,  to  use  and 
unite  these  two  forces.  Indeed,  not  the  least  of  the 
facts  which  crystallize  to  our  appreciation  of  these 
mighty  harmonies  is  the  shock  of  the  havoc  which 
was  wrought  almost  immediately  after  the  Inde- 
pendence when  a  succession  of  Mexican  architects 
and  artists  stripped  so  much  of  the  beauty  from 
the  interiors  and  even  the  exteriors  of  Mexican 
churches  to  replace  them  with  the  ghastly  "  clas- 
sical7 '  Roman  columns  and  whitewashed  walls 
which  are  as  foreign  to  Mexico  as  would  be  the 
ivied  brick  churches  of  rural  England. 

Not  that  the  Spanish  architecture  of  Mexico  did 
not  undergo  many  tribulations,  but  as  we  look  on 
the  innumerable  treasures  which  the  viceroys  left 
as  the  greatest  beauty  of  Mexico,  always  that 
harmony  persists,  always  is  there  the  identification 
with  Mexico  as  she  truly  is,  always  the  churches  and 
the  palaces  belong  to  the  spot  where  they  stand, — • 
belong  with  a  completeness  which  age  may  have 
made  more  perfect,  but  which  age  did  not  create. 
The  story  of  Mexican  architecture  cannot  be  told 
here,  for  it  belongs  solely  to  the  historic  past,  but 
no  one  who  would  tell  truth  of  Mexico  and  of  her 

109 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

culture  can  omit  appreciation  of  these  sublime 
monuments,  monuments  alike  to  beauty,  to  re- 
ligion and  to  the  true  adaptation  of  Spain  to  the 
reality  that  she  was  able  to  find  in  Mexico.1 

Of  the  native  arts  which  are  to-day  entirely  In- 
dian, pottery-making  easily  ranks  first.  This,  in- 
deed, comes  down  directly  from  pre-Aztec  tunes. 
^Much  the  samejorms,  much  the  same  colors  and 
designs  are  made  to-day  as  are  dug  up  in  pre- 
historic mounds.  All  Mexico,  high  and  low,  cooks 
in  pottery  vessels,  glazed  and  finished,  at  least 
inside,  and  usually  decorated  with  crude  designs. 
But  apparently  glazing  was  unknown  to  the  Indians 
before  the  Conquest,  for  the  Dominican  friars  who 
assisted  at  the  founding  of  the  City  of  Puebla  in 
1532  sent  to  their  monastery  of  Talavera  de  la 
Reina,  near  Toledo,  Spain,  for  glazers  among  the 
brotherhood  to  come  to  Mexico  and  guide  the  native 
potters  in  the  making  of  glazed  tiles  for  the  decora- 
tion of  the  Puebla  churches.  Of  so  comparatively 
recent  a  foundation  is  the  most  famous  and  esteemed 
pottery  of  Mexico,  the  " Mexican  Talavera."  From 
this  activity,  of  the  Spaniards  again,  came  virtually 
all  of  the  glazed  tiling  which  so  beautifies  the 
churches  and  many  of  the  famous  old  houses  of 
Mexico. 

The  various  designs  of  this  majolica,  in  brilliant 
blues  and  yellows,  are  the  mark  of  various  epochs 
of  the  work,  the  oldest  being  the  blue  monochrome 
with  white,  heavily  glazed  but  made  entirely  of 

1  Cf.  Sylvester  Baxter,  "Spanish  Colonial  Architecture  in 
Mexico,"  Boston,  1901. 

110 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

native  clay,  brittle  red  within,  soft  white  outside, 
the  difference  being  in  the  degree  of  firing.  Moorish, 
Spanish  and  Chinese  designs  were  used  in  the  earlier 
wares,  and  later,  when  yellow  and  sometimes  a 
little  red  were  added,  the  designs  became  more 
distinctly  Mexican.  The  Mexican  Talavera  of 
colonial  times  is  gathered  into  many  collections 
and  has  a  decided  intrinsic  value,  though  it  is  dis- 
tinguished from  the  Spanish  Talavera,  which  some 
of  its  designs  imitated,  by  the  fact  that  its  blue  is 
in  appreciable  relief,  while  the  Spanish  coloring  is 
flat  and  thin.1  Within  the  last  century,  the  Tala- 
vera potteries,  which  had  been  virtually  closed  for 
many  years,  were  reopened  for  the  making  of  excel- 
lent imitations  of  the  old  work,  imitations  so  good, 
in  fact,  that  often  only  experts  can  distinguish  the 
old  from  the  new.  The  Talavera  is  chiefly  found  in 
tiles,  often  church  domes  apparently  having  been 
designed  as  a  whole  and  worked  out  in  matched 
pieces,  although  the  usual  type  are  tiles  of  ordinary 
size,  roughly  formed  and  crudely  yet  boldly  de- 
signed. Washbasins,  even  bathtubs,  and  chief  of 
all  the  tall  cylindrical  vases  (originally  designed  for 
herbs  and  medicines,  but  now  used  for  cut  flowers) 
jardinieres  and  flowerpots,  platters,  plates  and  cups 
are  other  forms  still  found  sometimes  in  the  antique 
and  imitated  in  the  modern. 

Below  the  Talavera,  the  truer  native  types  of 
pottery  appear  in  profusion,  but  in  designs  and 
forms  so  distinct  that  one  who  knows  Mexico  can 

1  Cf,  E.  A.  Barber,  "Hispano-Moresque  Pottery  in  the  Collec- 
tion of  the  Hispanic  Society  of  America,"  New  York,  1915. 

Ill 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

distinguish  the  section — even  the  village — of  their 
origin  by  form  and  color.  The  work  is  all  done  by 
hand,  and  the  only  tools  are  pieces  of  broken  glass 
and  a  horsehair,  the  glass,  straight  or  curved,  being 
used  to  form  the  vessel,  the  hair  to  cut  and  trim 
the  top.  In  many  of  the  Mexican  pottery  villages 
wheels  are  unknown,  the  whole  shaping  of  the 
vessels  being  by  hand. 

The  pottery  of  Oaxaca,  especially  of  the  Ocho 
Pueblos,  is  the  commonest  sort  used  in  cooking, 
being  heavily  glazed  and  manufactured  in  large 
quantities  for  the  trade  which  was  originally  and  to 
a  large  extent  still  is  carried  on  by  the  potters 
themselves,  immense  crates  being  transported  on 
human  and  burro-back  for  great  distances.  It  is 
of  dull  red  clay,  but  the  glazes  are  of  olive  green,  in 
two  shades,  one  so  dark  as  to  give  the  general  dis- 
tinction of  "green-and-black"  to  the  product. 

Cuernavaca,  not  far  from  Mexico  City,  has 
famous  pottery  works  hi  its  suburb  of  San  Anton, 
the  chief  and  almost  the  only  product  (outside  of 
trinkets  and  toys  for  the  tourist  trade)  being  the 
typical  Mexican  water  bottles  of  porous  clay  which 
by  the  seepage  and  evaporation  of  the  water  on  the 
outside  keep  that  within  cool  and  fresh.  Cuernavaca 
pottery  is  brittle,  so  does  not  lend  itself  to  large 
pieces.  The  workers  make  designs  (most  traditional 
and  conventional)  in  inlaid  bits  of  glass,  broken 
porcelain  and  pebbles.  The  pottery  of  Guanajuato 
is  of  the  same  dark  terra-cotta  color,  but  of  a  better 
quality  than  that  of  Cuernavaca  and  is  used  exten- 
sively all  over  Mexico;  it  dates  from  long  before  the 

112 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

Spanish  conquest.  One  pottery  in  this  district,  still 
in  operation,  was  founded  by  the  patriot-priest 
Hidalgo,  he  who  roused  the  Indians  of  his  parish  of 
Dolores  to  the  first  insurrection  against  Spain  in 
1810.  This  pottery  is  usually  decorated  with  the 
name  of  the  town,  but  is  sold  broadcast  hi  Mexican 
markets. 

About  Guadalajara,  to  the  west,  are  several  pot- 
tery towns,  the  most  important  being  those  of 
Tonalan  and  Tlaquepaque.  The  latter  name  means 
literally  "the  place  where  the  jars  are  made/'  but 
of  late  years  the  business  has  diminished  in  im- 
portance, and  the  most  esteemed  products  are 
figures  made  by  native  artists.  Much  skill  is  shown, 
especially  in  the  making  of  statuettes  of  tipos 
popular es  (popular  types),  figurines  ten  to  fifteen 
inches  high,  delicately  modeled  in  artistic  and 
faithful  reproduction,  down  to  the  last  detail  of 
sandal-thong,  of  the  Mexican  as  he  is.  These  figures, 
dressed  in  cloth  and  straw  and  leather,  are  of  pot- 
tery, tinted  in  their  actual  colors  and  fired.  Though 
unglazed,  they  compare  favorably  with  similar 
statuettes  in  the  conventional  European  porcelain, 
— truly  works  of  native  art. 

Tonalan  is  probably  the  most  important  pottery 
center  in  Mexico,  the  entire  village,  men,  women 
and  children,  devoting  themselves  to  the  making 
of  enormous  quantities  of  jars,  pots,  cooking 
utensils,  water  bottles,  etc.  Both  glazed  and  un- 
glazed wares  are  manufactured,  the  latter  in  all 
sizes,  up  to  two  or  three  feet  in  height,  and  fired  so 
as  to  be  slightly  porous,  to  keep  the  contents  cool 

113 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

by  evaporation.  The  glazed  ware  is  smaller  but 
includes  full-sized  pots  up  to  a  gallon  capacity  or 
more,  and  is  light  and  fireproof.  Some  very  typical 
and  artistic  work  is  done,  especially  in  the  making 
of  chocolate  pots  and  similar  vessels,  which  are 
decorated  with  conventional  designs  and  well  glazed. 
The  colorings  are  exceptionally  attractive,  yellows, 
reds,  blues  and  blacks  being  softened  by  a  grayish 
glaze  which  gives  them  distinction  and  beauty. 

The  potters  of  Mexico,  who  without  exception 
are  Indian,  are  true  craftsmen,  proud  of  their  art 
and  working  in  silent  and  happy  absorption.  The 
making  of  products  other  than  pots  and  bottles 
is  the  industry  of  hundreds  of  villages,  and  every 
festival  in  every  town  in  the  country  is  the  occasion 
for  the  visit  of  the  makers  of  pottery  toys  and 
trinkets,  the  elaborate  statuettes  from  the  Guad- 
alajara section,  the  pottery  figures  dressed  in 
delicately  made  hats,  suits  and  dresses,  of  cloth, 
straw,  leather  and  paper,  being  most  entrancing. 
Each  festival  has  its  types  of  pottery  figures. 
Virgins,  Infant  Christs  and  the  whole  furniture  of 
the  Bethlehem  manger  are  purchasable  at  Christ- 
mas time  for  a  few  centavos,  and  for  the  festival 
of  All  Souls  dancing  skeletons  of  rattling  pottery 
bones  are  offered  in  all  sizes.  In  addition,  pottery 
bells  of  varied  shapes  are  to  be  had,  and  innumerable 
toys,  mostly  miniature  household  utensils,  are  of- 
fered even  on  ordinary  market  days.  Often  such 
articles  as  pottery  bells  are  the  sole  product  of  a 
village,  and  the  connoisseur  can  always  find  new 
varieties  he  has  never  seen  before  at  almost  any 

114 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

fair.  The  native  designs,  however,  do  not  often 
change,  although  sometimes,  as  at  Tonalan,  where 
truly  artistic  work  is  done,  the  artisans  will  take  up 
and  develop,  with  native  skill,  ancient  Aztec  or 
coventionalized  Indian  patterns  on  order,  and  are 
not  above  adopting  them  as  part  of  their  regular 
product. 

Related  to  pottery  making  is  the  enameling  of 
gourds,  an  ancient  Indian  art  which  flourished  long 
before  the  Spaniards,  probably  long  before  the 
Aztecs.  Its  chief  center  is — or  was — the  beautiful 
subtropical  town  of  Uruapam,  in  the  garden  state 
of  Michoacan,  although  certain  Oaxaca  towns  also 
maintain  the  industry.  Gourds,  grown  for  the  pur- 
pose, are  painted  in  elaborate  and,  in  olden  days, 
intricate  designs,  suggestive  of  the  Chinese,  and 
usually  on  a  dark  background.  The  enamel  is  a 
particular  secret,  its  base  being  a  plant  louse  per- 
haps related  to  the  cochineal,  although  the  paste 
which  is  made  from  it  is  ochre  yellow  in  color  and 
virtually  colorless  when  used  to  give  the  lacquer- 
like  enamel  which  characterizes  the  product.  The 
forms  range  all  the  way  from  large  vessels  as  big 
as  pumpkins  down  to  enameled  rattles  made  of  half- 
grown  gourds.  Like  so  many  of  the  ancient  crafts 
of  Mexico  this  has  largely  degenerated  in  late  years 
to  the  production  of  garish  articles  for  the  trade  of 
the  fairs. 

The  making  of  baskets,  mats  and  hats  antedates 
the  Spaniards,  and  being  designed  primarily  to  meet 
native  needs  has  been  interfered  with  but  little.  The 
chief  fabric  for  mats  and  " straw"  hats  is  the  fiber 

115 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

of  palm  trees,  which  is  woven  by  hand  rapidly  and 
skilfully,  but  without  great  emphasis  on  the  artistic, 
though  a  little  fine  hat  weaving  of  the  Milan  and 
" Panama"  types  is  done  in  some  of  the  villages  on 
the  Gulf  Coast.  The  fiber,  extracted  from  various 
species  of  palm,  is  kept  moist,  usually  in  tiny  caves 
dug  in  the  yards  of  the  houses  where  the  workers 
live. 

Soft  baskets  of  conical  shape  are  also  made  of 
palm  fiber,  but  willow  reeds  and  grasses  are  the 
chief  basis  of  basket  making.  Certain  specifically 
Mexican  varieties  are  made  of  maguey  fiber,  ropes 
being  twisted  over  and  over  with  a  thin,  even  cover- 
ing of  the  coarse,  but  silklike  fabric,  and  painted 
in  characteristic  and  colorful  designs. 

The  weaving  of  the  maguey,  ixtle  and  henequen 
fiber  has  been  a  native  industry  for  many  centuries. 
All  are  products  of  various  species  of  the  agave, 
or  century  plant,  henequen,  with  its  long  fiber, 
being  one  of  the  great  commercial  products  of  the 
world,  known  in  the  market  as  sisal  hemp.  Hene- 
quen and  ixtle  are  extracted  by  machinery,  but 
maguey  fiber  (from  the  leaves  of  the  plant  which 
produces  the  national  drink,  pulque)  has  to  be 
extracted  by  hand,  an  Indian  working  with  a 
sickle-shaped  knife  to  strip  the  pulp  down  till 
from  each  leaf  he  has  a  great  skein  of  glistening 
white  threads.  These  he  weaves  by  hand  into 
cloth  not  unlike  jute  sacking  in  quality,  although 
in  Aztec  times  and  even  to-day  it  is  sometimes 
made  into  closely  woven,  often  beautiful  materials. 
This  he  uses  for  packing,  as  a  sling  in  which  to 

116 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

carry  bundles  and  even  stones  and  earth;  even 
yet  it  is  sometimes  made  into  clothing.  It  is  also 
woven  into  a  very  good  rope,  from  which  bridles  are 
fashioned  for  the  tough-skinned  native  burros. 
From  the  tip  of  the  maguey  leaf  the  Indian  can 
extract  a  great  two-inch  thorn,  with  a  twist  of 
fiber  three  feet  long  attached — a  needle-and-thread 
which  doubtless  served  the  ancient  Aztecs,  as  it 
serves  their  descendants,  for  rough  sewing. 

In  Yucatan,  where  henequen  is  the  great  crop, 
the  natives  make  a  variety  of  native  hammocks, 
and  twenty  years  ago  their  hand-woven  products 
were  sold  all  over  the  world.  To-day  machinery 
has  displaced  them,  but  Yucatan  still  manufactures 
the  finest  hammocks  in  the  world,  often  of  hard 
cotton  or  linen  cord  as  well  as  of  the  rough  hene- 
quen fiber.  The  Yucatan  hammock  is  theoretically 
wide  enough  for  one  to  sleep  full-length,  crosswise, 
and  it  is  indeed  the  safest,  coolest  and  most  com- 
fortable bed  for  the  tropics. 

Another  industry  which  the  Spaniards  did  not 
intentionally  discourage  was  that  of  weaving. 
The  Aztecs  had  long  woven  beautiful  garments  and 
textiles  from  cotton,  which  they  raised  on  cultivated 
plantations.  The  fabric  was  of  fine  texture  and 
especially  beautiful  so  that  it  became  the  dress  for 
the  members  of  the  richer  classes  and  not  until  the 
years  had  brought  cheaper  methods  of  manufacture 
did  the  native  change  from  his  rough  raiment  of 
maguey  fiber  or  leather  to  the  softer  and  more 
comfortable  cotton  characteristic  of  his  dress  to-day. 
Cotton  weaving  by  hand,  however,  was  one  of  the 

117 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

industries  which  was  almost  ruined  by  the  cheaper 
methods  of  production  in  Europe  and  the  better 
materials  which  were  furnished,  and  also  by  the 
extinction  of  the  Aztec  upper  classes,  who  were  the 
chief  patrons  of  the  fine  native  cotton  weavers. 

The  native  rebozo  makers  were  in  the  beginning 
itinerant  tradesmen  carrying  a  spinning  wheel  and 
hand  loom  and  weaving  to  order  these  colorful 
and  delicate  lengths  of  cotton  in  designs  still  extant. 
Rebozos  were  important  products  of  the  cotton- 
weaving  industry  of  Mexico  for  most  of  the 
centuries  of  the  Spanish  regime.  After  the  Inde- 
pendence the  opening  of  the  country  to  foreign 
imports  again  discouraged  the  native  manufactures, 
and  although  from  tune  to  time  efforts  have  been 
made  to  revive  it,  the  native  cotton  industry  as  an 
art  no  longer  exists.  Modern  factories  now  produce 
rebozos  in  the  classical  designs,  colors  and  weaves, 
and  these  fully  satisfy  the  popular  taste. 

The  Mexican  soon  learned  to  work  with  wool 
after  its  introduction  in  1541,  and  the  zarapes  or 
scrapes,  blankets  of  typical  design  and  coloring, 
are  a  distinctly  native  art  which  is  still  preserved. 
Comparatively  little  handwork  is  now  done,  how- 
ever, and  the  wonderfully  fine  zarapes  of  Zacatecas 
and  Saltillo  are  now  but  a  memory  and  a  relic  of 
the  collector.  These  beautifully  designed,  colored 
and  woven  blankets  were  perfectly  impermeable  to 
water  and  lasted  for  generations,  while  the  coarse 
Mexican  machine-woven  blankets  of  to-day,  of 
unselected  wool,  deserve  very  little  recognition 

except  as  a  part  of  the  typical  costume  of  the  native. 

118 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

The  woolen  industry,  which  reached  its  prime 
during  the  colonial  period,  was  a  grafted  art  intro- 
duced by  the  Spaniards,  although  it  is  probable 
that  the  brilliant  colorings  used  in  the  woolen 
zarapes  of  that  era  were  the  direct  inheritance  from 
and  the  only  survival  of  the  wonderful  cotton 
timatli  of  Aztec  princes.  The  fine  quality  of  the 
earlier  products  and  the  later  deterioration  may  be 
in  part  due  to  the  fact  that  merino  sheep  were  in- 
troduced into  Mexico  in  1541,  and  animals  bearing 
coarser  wool  did  not  appear  until  later. 

The  use  of  silk  in  Mexico  goes  back  to  pre- 
Spanish  times,  Cortez  having  spoken  of  the  silk 
which  was  sold  in  the  markets  of  Mexico.  In  some 
of  the  museums  there  are  pictures  woven  entirely 
in  silk,  said  to  be  the  work  of  ancient  Indians,  but 
apparently  the  fiber  was  not  used  to  any  great 
extent  previous  to  Spanish  times.  The  raising  of 
silk  and  its  manufacture  in  Mexico  was  prohibited 
by  the  Spaniards  during  the  colonial  regime  because 
silk  was  one  of  the  perquisites  of  the  Crown.  The 
only  native  product  of  silk  that  is  of  interest  is  the 
beautiful  silk  rebozos,  now  made  of  thread  silk,  by 
hand,  in  the  classic  designs,  relatively  expensive, 
and  used  by  Mexican  ladies  as  a  light  wrap. 

One  of  the  ancient  arts  of  Mexico  which  was  pre- 
served by  the  Spaniards  in  the  convents  and  has 
come  down  to  this  day  is  the  making  of  drawn 
work,  an  elaboration  of  hemstitching  to  most 
intricate  and  beautiful  designs.  The  delicate  cot- 
ton of  the  Aztecs  was  worked  in  this  form  before 
the  Spaniards  came,  and  although  the  delicacy 

119 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

which  was  attained  later  was  not  common  in  the 
Aztec  period,  the  Aztecs  must  probably  be  given 
the  credit  for  this  art.  Its  preservation,  however, 
is  largely  due  to  convent  training,  for  it  was  within 
their  walls  that  the  finest  specimens  of  drawn  linen 
were  made.  The  quality  of  this  material  and  its 
unique  perfection  in  Mexico  make  it  one  of  her  best- 
known  artistic  products,  but  even  before  the  recent 
revolution,  the  art  was  on  the  decline,  owing  to  the 
low  prices  which  were  paid  and  the  opening  of  new 
and  more  lucrative  employments  to  women.  Like 
the  laces  of  Europe,  the  production  now  depends 
almost  entirely  upon  the  industry  of  nurses  and 
nuns,  with  the  added  difficulty  that  drawn  work 
is  not  so  conveniently  handled,  and  thus  is  not 
often  a  by-product  of  other  duties  as  laces  may  be. 

Embroidery  was,  until  recently,  a  noteworthy  art 
in  Mexico,  although,  like  drawn  work,  economic  and 
revolutionary  conditions  have  now  almost  destroyed 
it.  Mexican  women  of  all  classes  worked  in  silks 
especially  and  in  tinsels,  and  the  church  services 
were  very  masterpieces  of  heavy  and  beautiful 
embroidery,  while  not  the  least  of  its  output  went 
to  the  decoration  of  men's  native  charro  costume, 
both  suits  and  hats.  At  the  height  of  the  vogue  of 
this  home  art,  Mexican  women  wore  the  most 
elaborately  embroidered  gowns,  even  gold  and  silver 
being  affected. 

The  working  of  leather  has  been  one  of  the  true 
native  arts  of  Mexico  since  long  before  the  Span- 
iards brought  in  the  craft  of  book  binding.  Al- 
though to-day  mechanical  means  are  used  in  the 

120 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

manufacture  of  the  Mexican  " carved  leather" 
purses,  belts  and  trinkets,  much  native  skill  but 
very  little  originality  has  long  been  turned  in  this 
direction.  Saddlery,  of  course,  came  after  the 
Spanish  introduction  of  horses,  but  previously 
leather  was  one  of  the  materials  from  which  clothing 
was  manufactured,  and  the  work  of  the  modern 
Mexican  leather  carver  has  a  racial  heritage,  at 
least,  from  Aztec  artisans.  Mexican  saddles  are 
particularly  esteemed  for  then:  elaborateness,  but 
retain  little  of  the  artistry  which  doubtless  once 
distinguished  them. 

Not  a  little  of  the  present  industry  of  silver  work- 
ing owes  its  preservation,  however,  to  Mexican 
leather  work,  for  it  is  in  the  silver  mountings  of 
saddles  and  the  furnishing  of  silver  clasps  and  but- 
tons, often  of  beautiful  design,  for  charro  costumes, 
that  the  truly  native  art  finds  expression.  This  is 
the  last  glimmering  of  an  ancient  industry,  for  even 
though  we  have  no  notable  examples  of  Aztec  gold 
and  silver  work,  we  must  believe  that  it  had  not  a 
little  merit,  although  probably  far  from  the  aston- 
ishing order  which  the  conquerors  described. 

The  feather  work  of  Mexico  to-day  has  no  rela- 
tionship, except  geographic,  to  the  wonderful  and 
elaborate  art  of  the  Aztecs.  Some  of  the  ornaments 
and  cloaks  of  the  Aztec  rulers,  made  from  feathers 
of  humming  birds  and  the  birds  of  paradise,  prob- 
ably surpassed  anything  of  this  sort  that  was  ever 
done  in  the  South  Seas  or  in  China.  Some  of  the 
feather  mantles  and  ornaments  preserved  in  mu- 
seums indicate  even  with  their  great  age  an  art  far 

121 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

beyond  anything  which  exists  in  Mexico  to-day. 
Modern  Mexican  feather  work  is  made  merely  by 
fastening  bits  of  colored  (usually  dyed)  feathers  on 
cards  by  means  of  wax  or  glue,  the  designs  being 
almost  invariably  representations  of  birds.  The 
Aztec  work,  on  the  other  hand,  was  woven  into 
fabrics,  glorious  in  color,  perfect  and  unique  in 
design  and  workmanship. 

The  Mexican  appreciation  of  music  is  one  of  the 
artistic  traits  which  comes  in  for  generous  notice 
at  the  hands  of  almost  every  traveler.  The  silent, 
apparently  rapt  attention  with  which  the  lowliest 
peon  will  listen  to  the  village  band  is  remarked 
upon  invariably,  without  apparently  taking  into 
consideration  the  fact  that  the  savage  and  the  child 
alike  are  always  charmed  by  rhythm  and  easy 
harmony.  Most  of  the  music  discoursed  in  Mexico 
is  primarily  rhythmical,  is  played  with  color  and 
spirit,  but  it  is  no  more  noteworthy  as  art  than  the 
most  average  music  appreciated  by  any  other 
people. 

The  Mexican  band,  even  in  small  towns  (and 
every  town  has  a  band,  usually  belonging  to  the 
army  or  the  police  department),  plays  well,  because 
it  plays  rhythmically,  and  because  its  repertory  is 
not  extensive  and  no  attempts  are  made  to  get  too 
deep  into  the  classics.  There  are,  of  course,  a  few 
fine  bands  in  the  country,  and  in  certain  centers  a 
true  appreciation  of  the  finest  music.  There  have 
been  a  few  Mexican  composers,  so  that  performance 
and  appreciation  are  not  the  only  forms  of  music 
in  the  country.  Their  number,  in  proportion  to  the 

122 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

supposedly  "musical"  population,  is  relatively 
small,  and  their  compositions  are  usually  of  the 
most  popular  type.  Only  a  few,  such  as  "La 
.Paloma",  "La  Golondrina"  and  "Sobre  las  Olas" 
have  had  vogue  abroad. 

We  have  almost  no  way  of  knowing  the  nature  of 
the  Aztec  music.  What  has  come  down  to  us  is 
piecemeal,  and  was  long  ago  transposed  to  modern 
scale.  The  Indians,  however,  seem  to  bring  in, 
always,  the  minor  note,  especially  in  their  improvi- 
sation, but  this  can  well  be  explained  by  the  heritage 
of  Spanish  custom,  for  Catalan  music  affects  the 
minor  key  and  much  so-called  Mexican  musical 
taste  is  traceable  to  Spanish  emigrants  from  this 
province.  There  are  almost  no  Aztec  musical  instru- 
ments in  museums  to-day.  Only  a  few  of  the  great 
drums  which  belonged  to  the  temples  are  preserved, 
but  we  know  that  drums,  wooden  and  pottery  pipes 
were  used.  As  in  so  much  else,  the  Spanish  has 
completely  displaced  the  Indian  music  which  it 
found. 

One  of  the  delightful  features  of  the  Mexican  love 
of  music,  however,  is  the  soft  chanting  to  be  heard 
hi  the  half-melancholy,  half-wistful  songs  which 
often  filter  through  the  dawn  in  towns  and  on  the 
haciendas  as  the  laborers  go  about  their  early 
chores.  In  some  of  the  primitive  sections  of  the 
country,  improvisation  is  quite  an  art.  There  is 
a  certain  standard  in  the  ability  to  improvise  a 
stanza,  in  both  the  singer's  invention  and  the  qual- 
ity of  his  voice — high,  strained  tenor,  with  an  elabo- 
rate falsetto,  being  the  common  tone.  Itinerant 

123 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

native  players,  usually  harpists  or  flutists,  often 
improvise  and  can  make  a  night  interesting  or 
hideous,  as  the  listener's  mood  is,  by  their  descrip- 
tive chants  as  they  lead  half-drunken  parties  home 
from  a  baile  (ball). 

Stringed  instruments  are  common  and  at  native 
dances  form  often  the  whole  orchestra.  It  may  be 
added,  also,  that  a  far  larger  proportion  of  Mexicans, 
men  and  women,  can  play  some  instrument  than 
is  common  among  other  peoples,  but,  as  Mme. 
Calderon  de  la  Barca  wrote  many  years  ago,  "  When 
I  say  that  they  play,  I  do  not  mean  that  they  play 
well." 

Far  from  the  least  of  the  musical  features  of 
Mexican  life  is  the  dance.  A  ball  is  the  common 
form  of  entertainment,  with  high  and  low,  and  a 
company  of  otherwise  perfectly  sane  Mexicans  will 
gather  in  a  stuffy  hall  and  with  the  greatest  appar- 
ent enjoyment  dance  upon  each  other's  toes  and 
upon  the  toes  of  the  older  people  who  wait  as 
chaperones  from  10  P.M.  to  4  A.M.  for  nine  nights 
hi  succession  at  the  time  of  the  posadas  or  pre- 
Christmas  festivals.  The  Indians  and  the  peons 
celebrate  everything  with  a  dance,  and  sandaled 
men  and  barefoot  women  will  hop  about  to  an  off- 
key  stringed  orchestra  on  a  dancing  floor  of  gravel 
(which  is  the  proper  floor  when  you  dance  barefoot) 
with  solemn  delight  in  the  hours  before  midnight 
and  thereafter  with  noisy  hilarity,  when  the  liquor 
has  been  flowing  freely,  until  dawn. 

Dancing  is  one  of  the  few  forms  of  native  folklore 
which  have  come  down  to  to-day.  Religious  festi- 

124 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

vals,  national  holidays  and  tribal  feasts  are  cele- 
brated in  Indian  villages  with  dances,  in  pantomime 
depicting  the  lives  of  animals,  or  the  ancient  battles 
between  the  Spaniards  (with  papier-mache*  horses 
about  their  waists)  and  the  Aztecs,  or  other  battles 
between  the  "Jews"  (with  masks  having  great 
hooked  noses)  and  "Christians"  (in  flowing  white 
robes),  or  sometimes  hi  unintelligible  rites  with 
crudely  costumed  characters.  All  is  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  a  drum  and  flute,  the  drum  often  the 
toy  device  made  for  children,  the  flute  as  often  as 
not  of  tin  or  pottery. 

Mexican  folklore  is  otherwise  surprisingly  shal- 
low, both  in  legends  and  in  imaginative  characters. 
Fairies  are  all  but  unknown,  the  only  correspond- 
ence to  them  that  has  been  noted  being  brownies  or 
mischievous  male  spirits  which  appear  to  delight 
only  in  pranks  and  may  indeed  be  a  European 
importation. 

The  peons,  however,  believe  in  love  philters, 
ghosts,  the  evil  eye,  magical  remedies  for  disease, 
witches,  magicians  and  giants.  The  ghost  is  almost 
the  chief  business  of  Mexican  folklore  and  the 
legends  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  of  Spanish  origin, 
have  to  do  almost  entirely  with  foul  murders,  as 
hi  our  own  ghost  lore.  The  Indians,  however,  pay 
surprisingly  little  attention  to  the  bloody  side  of 
these  manifestations,  and  their  ghosts  seem  to  be 
concerned  with  their  money  and  other  treasure. 
Thomas  A.  Janvier,  who  wrote  so  much  and  so 
charmingly  of  Mexico,  made  a  serious  study  of 
Mexican  folklore,  but  found  himself  balked  at 

125 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

almost  every  turn  at  the  lack  of  interest  in  the 
upper  classes  in  his  search. 

Mexicans  of  the  lower  class  [he  wrote]  know  that  their 
superiors  among  their  own  people  laugh  at  superstitious 
beliefs  and  therefore  could  not  understand  why  anyone  not  of 
their  own  class, — even  though  a  foreigner  and  therefore  a 
person  whose  habits  are  expected  to  be  at  once  extraordinary 
and  irrational — can  regard  these  things  seriously. 

The  Mexican  superstitions,  however,  are  very 
likely  to  be  so  tied  up  with  churchly  lore  that,  save 
as  an  index  of  religious  preoccupation,  they  are  of 
little  significance. 

There  remains  to  be  said  something  of  the 
European  culture  which,  implanted  by  the  Span- 
iards, has  been  so  vital  a  psychological  factor  hi 
Mexico  down  to  to-  day.  The  greatest  contribution 
was  certainly  architecture,  and  indeed  beyond 
that  there  is  an  astonishing  dearth  of  any- 
thing that  can  be  said  to  have  become  truly  iden- 
tified with  Mexico.  During  the  early  days  of  the 
viceroys,  some  of  the  Indians  (the  most  notable 
of  them  Ixtilxochitl),  writing  in  their  own  language 
with  Spanish  letters,  set  down  the  legends  of  their 
tribes,  but  after  this  first  burst,  almost  none  but 
Creoles  and  Spaniards  took  any  part  in  Mexican 
intellectual  life  for  three  hundred  years.  The  great 
Spanish  dramatist,  Alarcon,  was  born  in  Mexico, 
but  Mexico  hardly  claims  him,  for  he  early  went 
to  Spain.  In  addition  there  were  not  a  few  note- 
worthy, if  not  notable,  artists  and  writers.  One 
of  the  most  interesting  of  the  latter  was  the  Mexican 
nun  (of  Spanish  descent),  Sor  Juana  Inez  de  la 

126 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

Cruz,  called  in  Mexico  "the  tenth  muse",  a  poetess, 
philosopher,  mathematician  and  musician,  who 
lived  in  the  late  seventeenth  century.  Baron  von 
Humboldt,  visiting  Mexico  in  1793,  spoke  of  her, 
as  he  did  of  one  or  two  other  writers,  but  he  also 
mentioned  two  artists.  One  was  Tolsa,  who  cast 
the  great  "bronze  horse",  a  statue  of  Charles  IV, 
in  Mexico  City,  and  "renovated"  the  churches  to 
their  present  bare  Romanesque  interiors.  The 
other  was  Miguel  Cabrera,  an  Indian  (1695-1768). 
Cabrera,  of  the  tribe  of  Zapotecs  which  produced 
Juarez,  painted  pictures  compared  by  enthusiasts 
with  Murillo,  and  suggestive,  as  Philip  Terry  re- 
marks, of  some  of  the  fine  Luca  Giordano  frescoes 
hi  the  Escorial.  He  apparently  never  studied  in 
Europe  and  has  a  distinct  style  of  his  own,  which 
he  imparted  to  both  his  many  copies  and  to  the 
hundreds  of  his  original  works  which  adorn  Mexican 
churches.  Another  Mexican  painter  of  the  six- 
teenth century  is  Jose  Maria  Ibarra  (1688-1756), 
who  was  a  careful  copyist  of  Murillo,  then  most 
popular  in  Mexico,  and  also  an  originator  of  many 
finely  finished  works.  Francisco  Eduardo  de  Tres- 
guerras  (1765-1833)  was  a  Creole,  an  artist  of  many 
accomplishments,  his  paintings,  like  those  of  so 
many  other  Mexicans,  being  so  deeply  influenced 
by  the  popularity  of  Murillo  as  to  be  almost  copies 
of  his  style.  In  the  years  since  the  first  revolu- 
tion, few  Mexican  artists  have  been  developed, 
although  a  number  of  promising  students  were  sent 
abroad  by  General  Diaz,  and  such  young  men  as 
Ribera  y  Martinez  (a  mestizo),  Angel  Zarraga  (a 

127 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Creole)  may  yet  make  true  contributions  to  Mexican 
art. 

In  literature  there  is  more  to  be  said.  Sor  Juana 
Inez  de  la  Cruz  has  been  mentioned.  Jose  Joaquin 
Fernandez  de  Lizardi  (1771-1827)  signed  himself 
"The  Mexican  Thinker"  and  was  the  author  of  the 
first  Mexican  classic,  "Periquillo  Sarniento,"  re- 
ferred to  as  the  "Mexican  Gil  Bias",  his  book  having 
brought  him  prompt  disfavor  in  the  viceregal  court 
and  six  months'  imprisonment.  Many  minor  but 
vivid  writers  appeared  in  the  early  years  of  the 
Independence,  pamphleteers,  and  indeed  several 
historians  and  poets.  The  important  "Historia  de 
Mejico",  of  Lucas  Alaman,  was  published  hi  1852. 
During  this  period  many  poets  appeared,  but  most 
of  the  literary  energy  of  the  tune  was  devoted  to 
political  periodicals  and  pamphlets.  Manuel  Car- 
pio  was  an  able  poet  of  this  period,  however,  and 
in  1870  Manuel  Acuna,  a  poet  still  loved  and 
admired,  wrote  his  "Pasionarias",  and  a  few  years 
later  Guillermo  Prieto  (1818-1897)  published  the 
first  of  his  many  popular  lyrics.  From  the  last 
of  the  revolutionary  days  and  through  that  of 
Diaz,  Mexican  literature  is  really  rich,  despite 
the  fact  that  Americans  and  Englishmen  hardly 
know  even  the  names  of  such  masters  as  Manuel 
Orozco  y  Berra,  editor  of  "Mexico  a  Traves  de  los 
Siglos",  and  author  of  the  authoritative  "Historia 
Antigua  y  de  la  Conquista  de  Mexico";  Ignacio 
M.  Altamarino  and  such  poets  as  Jose  Peon  y 
Contreras,  Juan  de  Dios  Peza,  Vicente  Riva  Palacio, 
Juan  Diaz  Covarrubias,  Justo  Sierra,  Antonio 

128 


MEXICAN  ^  CULTURE 

Plaza,  and  many  others,  by  no  means  either  minor 
poets  or  mere  stylists.  Amado  Nervo  and  Jesus 
Urueta,  both  of  whom  died  recently  in  South 
America,  were  masters  recognized  throughout  the 
Spanish-speaking  world.  From  men  still  living 
there  have  been  many  notable  contributions,  both 
to  prose  and  poetry,  for  in  the  latter  the  Mexican 
seems  especially  skilled.  But  as  in  the  revolution 
of  the  early  nineteenth  century,  the  revolution  of 
the  early  twentieth  century  has  turned  the  writers 
of  Mexico  into  hurlers  of  philippics  or  noisy 
partisans,  till  even  the  best  of  art  is  lost  in  the 
bitterness  of  controversy.  Mention  must  be  made, 
however,  of  two  (although  they  are  of  the  older 
school),  Federico  Gamboa,  a  great  poet  and  essay- 
ist, and  Emilio  Rabasa,  a  popular  novelist  and  a 
powerful  publicist. 

There  is  usually,  however,  a  true  idealistic  note 
in  Mexican  literature  that  makes  one  feel  for  the 
same  note  in  her  other  cultures.  But  there  the 
masters  are  not  so  sure;  the  hand  lacks  something 
of  the  cunning  of  the  voice  (written  or  spoken) — 
strange  enough  in  a  people  who  have  so  great 
reproductive  skill  among  their  artisans.  To  be  sure, 
as  critics  have  said,  there  is  much  of  the  verbal 
fluorescence,  too  much  of  adorning  for  adornment's 
sake,  perhaps,  but  aside  from  all  the  mass  that 
deserves  such  criticism,  there  are  true  artists  in 
words,  masters  who  express  a  genuine  idealism,  in 
true  as  well  as  ringing  phrases. 

During  the  Diaz  epoch,  and  to  a  lesser  extent 
under  the  presidents  who  have  followed  him,  many 

129 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

young  Mexicans,  men  and  women,  have  been  sent 
abroad  on  government  pensions,  chiefly  to  the 
United  States  and  to  Europe,  to  study,  this  one 
painting,  that  one  sculpture,  others  music  and 
architecture.  They  have  been  a  true  leaven  in  the 
Mexican  cultural  mass  and  have  served,  on  their 
return,  as  teachers  in  art  schools  and  as  the  creators, 
in  ideal  at  least,  of  a  native  art.  How  deep  the 
leaven  will  go  we  have  not  had  time  or  opportunity 
to  realize.  As  with  American  and  British  students 
who  go  abroad,  there  is  always  the  question  as  to 
whether  their  foreign  masters,  teaching,  one  a 
French,  one  an  Italian  method,  may  not  also 
inculcate  French  and  Italian  ideals  of  beauty,  when 
Mexico  needs,  and  needs  so  badly,  Mexican  ideals 
and  Mexican  beauty.  For  Mexico  has  yet  to  pro- 
duce a  landscapist  who  has  put  her  wonders  on 
canvas,  or  a  musician  who  has  sung  the  song  of  her 
heart. 

In  fact,  one  of  the  confusing  phases  of  Mexican 
esthetics  has  come  from  the  adoption  of  French 
standards  in  literature  and  in  art.  Education  in 
French  schools  was  for  a  long  time  the  proper  thing 
for  the  children  of  high-class  families,  and  Mexico 
sought  consciously  during  the  Diaz  regime  to  be- 
come a  miniature  Paris  in  America.  Even  Spanish 
customs  suffer  a  certain  disrepute  in  the  Mexican 
mind  when  compared  with  French  cultural  stand- 
ards, a  lingering  memory,  perhaps,  of  the  years  of 
bitter  revolution. 

The  Mexican  standard  of  culture  is  largely 
ornamental,  and  the  French  school  which  is  most 

130 


MEXICAN  CULTURE 

favored  is  not  the  modern  French,  which  is  so 
soundly  based  upon  the  philosophy  of  our  own  day. 
The  Mexican  emphasizes  classical  learning,  the  dead 
languages,  ancient  philosophy,  etc.,  and  his  music 
and  art  are  likely  to  be  superficial  and  based  upon 
neither  an  understanding  of  the  laws  of  harmony 
nor  upon  a  deep  study  of  the  principles  of  graphic 
art. 

In  the  use  of  books  the  Mexicans  are  distinctly 
behind  other  peoples  (as  their  educational  conditions 
predicate),  and  although  there  are  some  fine 
libraries  these  are  mostly  confined  to  ecclesiastical 
works  and  histories,  more  or  less  ancient.  The 
beautiful  libraries  in  Mexico  City  and  the  other 
State  capitals  are  open  to  students  and  are  used 
extensively,  but  there  are  no  popular  circulating 
libraries  and  the  providing  of  cheap  literature  for 
the  people  is  a  problem  that  has  not  yet  been  even 
approached.  The  newspapers  have  some  depart- 
ments which,  like  those  of  the  French,  have  signed 
columns  of  comment  on  current  events  and  upon  the 
gossip  of  the  day,  giving  something  of  a  broadening 
outlook  and  forming  perhaps  the  most  interesting 
recent  contributions  to  Mexican  literature. 

Here,  where  we  step  definitely  toward  the  prob- 
lem of  the  diffusion  of  culture,  we  are  brought  to 
the  realization  that  in  the  higher  planes  of  art  and 
literature,  even  of  really  good  music,  we  are  in  a 
region  far  removed  from  the  mass  of  the  Mexican 
people,  who  have  neither  eyes  nor  ears  to  enjoy 
fully,  nor  minds  to  create.  Truly,  Mexican  culture 
has  grown,  like  an  orchid,  far  from  the  soil  of  its 

131 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

people.  It  seems  to  clarify  our  understanding  to 
realize  this  and  to  think  that  most  of  the  intellectual 
advancement  which  is  recorded  there  to-day  is  as 
exotic  as  the  shelf  of  English  novels  which  the 
Saxon  pioneer  carries  with  him  to  the  jungle.  Yet 
when  the  white  man  bent  down  to  plant  his  seeds 
deep  in  the  warm  soil  of  Mexico,  they  grew,  and 
the  flowering  was  wondrous  beautiful,  bequeathing 
to  Mexico  and  to  all  who  visit  there  the  glory  of 
towering  masses  of  stone  and  tile  and  captured 
sunlight.  The  hope  of  Mexico  is  in  such  cultural 
fusion,  and  because  it  has  been  done,  it  can  and 
will  be  done  again,  and  well  indeed  may  we  believe 
in  and  dream  of  that  day. 


132 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE   MEXICAN  MIND 

'T'HE  mind  of  a  Mexican  marches  through  its 
A  pantomime  of  solemn  thought,  of  thrilling 
emotion,  of  drifting  volition  before  the  curtain  of 
its  accumulated  traditions.  Its  temperament,  its 
customs,  its  play  and  its  culture  give  the  color  to 
the  drama  of  its  life,  but  it  is  the  processes  of  thought 
and  feeling  and  will  which  are  the  dynamics  of  that 
life.  And  the  greatest  of  these  is  thought,  the 
intellectual  process,  the  way  and  the  direction  of 
his  thinking. 

In  looking  at  Mexican  psychology  one  finds  it 
easy  to  understand  why  the  popular  philosophical 
creed  of  Mexico  has  ever  been  that  of  Compte,  the 
belief  that  the  intellect  is  the  dominating  factor  in 
life.  Whatever  the  truth  or  falsity  of  the  Compte 
philosophy  when  applied  to  the  Anglo-Saxon,  or 
even  to  the  European  Latin,  any  conscious  study 
of  the  Mexican  brings  one  into  full  accord  with  its 
most  sweeping  tenets. 

The  Mexican  intellect  does  seem  indeed  the 
dominating  factor  in  all  Mexican  mental  processes. 
Emotional  the  Mexican  mind  may  appear,  weak- 
willed  in  its  individual  and  group  reactions,  yet 
always  there  is  a  calculated  weighing  of  what  is 

133 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

worth  while.  The  decision  may  be  short-sighted, 
but  it  is  logical  in  its  development  from  whatever 
premise  it  may  take,  and  often  inexorable  in  cling- 
ing to  its  choice.  Mexican  emotion  is  largely  an 
intellectual  product,  the  very  manifestations  of  sex 
being  calculated  and  self-hypnotic,  the  wild  orgies 
of  revolution  the  result  of  a  determined  if  ignorant 
choice  of  the  easiest  way  to  satisfactions.  Will  is 
the  slave  of  traditions  and  of  the  decisions  of  the 
moment,  for  the  faith  in  traditions  goes  deep  into 
the  thought  of  centuries,  and  a  choice  once  made, 
uncontrolled  and  ill-considered  though  it  may  be, 
is  unswervingly  followed  (unless  displaced  by  a 
later  choice)  though  the  end  be  personal  death  or 
national  annihilation.  The  " inconsistencies"  of 
the  Mexican  character  are  rather  the  result  of  a 
consistency  so  colossal  as  to  be  incomprehensible  to 
minds  more  deeply  scarred  by  the  wheel  of  experi- 
ence. The  Mexican  seems  to  have  a  child's  or  a 
savage's  unwavering  grasp  of  the  details  of  desire 
and  of  the  things  he  hopes  for, — a  heritage 
from  the  Indian  which  centuries  of  white  rule  and 
oceans  of  white  blood  have  never  eradicated. 
Circumstance,  which  in  other  races  will  bring  that 
quick  adaptation  which  marks  a  people's  right  to 
survival,  meets  in  the  Mexican  a  dull  or  a  fervid 
yet  unthinking  opposition. 

Circumstance  falls  before  the  onrush  of  national 
tradition  or  else  circumstance  crushes  and  ruins  an 
entire  era  with  the  force  of  that  inertia  which  less 
consistent  peoples  would  have  turned  to  the  work 
of  their  national  advancement.  Of  such  scenes  as 

134 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

this  clash  of  the  Mexican  mind  with  circumstances 
has  been  made  Mexican  history.  The  golden  era  of 
Mexico  turned  upon  Diaz's  adaptation  of  the  cir- 
cumstance of  threatened  American  intervention  to 
the  pacification  of  all  the  rebel  chieftains  of  the 
country.  The  chaos  of  Carranza  turned  upon  the 
refusal  of  that  wily  but  unimaginative  Mexican 
to  adapt  his  course  to  the  circumstances  which  were 
working  upon  him. 

So  throughout  all  Mexican  life  the  intellectual 
weighing  of  a  few  fixed  premises  results  ever  in 
definite  decisions  whose  development  with  inex- 
orable logic  sets  a  course  which  can  be  changed 
only  by  the  impact  of  some  idea  or  intellectual  force 
from  without;  never  does  that  gift  which  we  call 
imagination  invent  a  new  course  or  adapt  a  cir- 
cumstance into  a  power  for  advancement.  Each 
problem  must  have  ha  it,  for  the  Mexican,  the 
elements  of  its  solution,  or  the  solution  never  comes. 
He  who  deals  successfully  with  the  Mexican  mind 
offers  problems  in  their  simplicity,  with  the  neces- 
sary decision  buried  within  them,  and,  above  all, 
without  extraneous  suggestions  which  give  the 
basis  for  intellectual  quibbling  far  outside  the 
course  it  is  desired  for  the  Mexican  to  follow. 

No  serious  student  since  Baron  Humboldt's  time 
has  disputed  his  conclusion  as  to  the  total  lack  of 
imagination  which  is  so  deep-rooted  a  character- 
istic of  the  Mexican  mind.  Even  Mexicans  of  the 
highest  type,  virtually  pure-blooded  Spaniards  in 
their  ancestry,  evince  a  lack  of  this  creative  spark 
as  astonishing  as  it  is  depressing.  So  general  is  this 

135 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

that  great  foreign  corporations  working  in  Mexico 
have  as  their  fixed  policy  the  use  of  Mexican  engi- 
neers and  officials  only  in  the  executive  and  detailed 
sections  of  their  business.  The  entire  creative 
process,  the  making  of  plans  and  the  determination 
of  policy  is  left  hi  the  hands  of  foreigners  alone. 
Foreigners  have  dreamed  the  dreams  that  have 
built  modern  Mexico,  and  after  those  dreams  to 
the  minutest  detail  have  been  committed  to  paper, 
then  and  then  only  do  they  call  upon  the  capable  and 
able  Mexicans  whom  the  outsider  (and  the  Mexican) 
would  expect  them  to  use  from  the  beginning. 

Porfirio  Diaz  probably  had  more  imagination 
than  any  other  Mexican  who  ever  lived,  and  for 
this  trait  alone,  if  for  no  other,  he  would  have  been 
worthy  of  the  place  which  he  held  and  holds  in 
Mexican  and  in  world  history.  His  fault  and  his 
ultimate  fall  came  from  his  inability  to  find  more 
than  half  a  dozen  Mexicans  among  those  whom  he 
could  trust  who  had  a  true  spark  of  that  imagina- 
tion which  makes  men  and  nations  great.  Those 
men  grew  old  and  they  died,  and  as  Diaz  himself 
grew  old,  he  could  not  seek  out  those  few  who  could 
have  succeeded  his  old  advisers.  The  duty  of  the 
dreaming,  of  the  planning,  of  the  directing  fell  ever 
upon  shoulders  weakening  with  age,  till  they,  too, 
failed  to  carry  it. 

That  Mexicans  of  imagination  and  vision  did 
live  then  outside  the  circles  of  government  goes 
without  saying.  That  they  live  to-day  is  equally 
true,  but  the  roles  that  they  should  have  played,  and 
that  they  or  men  like  them  must  play  before  Mexico 

136 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

is  redeemed  from  within  herself,  are  taken  by  the 
motley  crowd  of  revolutionaries  and  unimaginative 
sycophants  who  follow  the  rote  of  endless  imitation 
and  crude  insistence  upon  the  concrete  and  personal 
process  which  has  made  their  land  a  mockery  and 
its  institutions  a  byword. 

It  is  perhaps  this  one  lack  of  imagination  which 
sets  the  Mexican  Indian  and  the  typical  Mexican 
mixed-blood  alike  apart  from  the  great  rule  of 
psychology  that  the  minds  of  men  differ  not  in 
their  processes  but  in  their  valuation  of  things. 
This  alone  would  make  logical  the  statement  set 
down  at  the  beginning  of  this  book, — that  the 
Mexican  mind  travels  in  cycles  and  on  planes  dif- 
ferent from  ours.  It  indeed  sets  that  mind  apart 
and  accounts,  in  a  measure  which  the  world  may 
grasp  with  difficulty,  for  the  astonishing  inability 
of  most  foreigners  and  particularly  of  most  foreign 
governments  to  understand  and  to  manage  intel- 
ligently the  Mexicans  with  whom  they  have  con- 
tact. If  the  real  difference  between  the  days  of 
Diaz  and  those  of  his  predecessors  and  successors 
can  be  put  into  psychological  terms,  it  will  be  by 
keying  it  to  this  same  note  of  imagination.  Diaz 
himself  could  be  fired  by  the  innate  truth  of  a  great 
idea  and  a  far-reaching  plan;  those  executives  who 
preceded  him  and  who  have  followed  him  work 
themselves  up  to  an  emotional  excitement  which 
passes  for  imaginative  appreciation,  but  they  have 
actually  no  grasp  of  the  essence  of  such  apprecia- 
tion. One  man  may  not  indeed  make  an  age,  but 
the  imitation  by  his  people  of  his  mind  and  vision 

137 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

can — and  in  the  case  of  Diaz  did — give  impetus  to 
vast  advancement. 

Imitation  is,  over  vast  areas  of  human  thought, 
the  sole  practicable  means  of  achievement.  Just 
as  the  imitation  of  the  deeds  and  the  ideas  of  great 
men  is  the  inspiration  of  all  of  lesser  power,  so  to 
such  a  people  as  the  Mexicans  the  works  and 
thoughts  of  their  leaders  exercise  an  influence  often 
out  of  all  proportion  to  the  abilities  and  contribu- 
tion of  those  leaders.  When  the  leader  is  such  a 
man  as  Diaz,  the  imitation  is  relatively  a  virtue, 
but  the  difficulty  with  imitation  is  that  in  its 
purity  it  is  quite  unreasoning,  and  is  just  as  likely 
— if  not  more  likely — to  take  the  bad  traits  as  it 
is  to  choose  the  good. 

The  savage  mind,  and  to  a  large  extent  any  un- 
cultured mind  such  as  that  of  the  average  Mexican, 
thinks  in  undirected  musing,  reasoning  only  by 
the  association  of  one  concrete  thing  with  its 
habitual  or  usual  successor,  never  analyzing  into 
their  component  parts  the  events  or  the  thoughts 
that  come  to  him.  Therefore  he  does  not  store  up 
in  his  mind  a  collection  of  the  qualities  or  essences 
of  the  experiences  he  has  had  or  of  the  thoughts 
that  occur  to  him.  He  has  nothing  in  his  mind 
to  add  to  any  new  idea  which  is  presented.  He 
cannot  give  it  impetus  by  any  addition  from  within 
his  own  mind,  and  his  thought  processes  must  func- 
tion with  nothing  more  inspiring  than  the  elements 
which  each  situation  brings  with  it.  There  is  no 
summation  of  stimuli,  no  reassembling  of  recollec- 
tions that  the  various  elements  of  an  idea  are  good 

138 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

or  bad.  Minds  of  this  sort  are  the  imitative  type, 
with  no  series  of  pigeonholes  from  which  to  take 
out  the  elements  of  imagination.1 

Such  minds  as  that  of  the  average  Mexican  are 
imitative  because  in  order  to  think  and  so  to  act, 
they  require  such  a  colossal  sum  of  immediate 
stimuli  that  only  by  the  terrific  impact  of  example 
can  they  move  to  intelligent  action.  The  imagina- 
tive mind  gathers,  by  observation  and  analysis,  a 
succession,  continuous  or  interrupted,  of  the  sug- 
gestions or  stimuli  bearing  upon  a  certain  action 
and  the  means  of  performing  it,  and  through  the 
retention  of  those  stimuli  in  mind  ultimately  per- 
forms the  act, — and  we  call  it  the  result  of  pure 
reasoning  or  imagination.  The  uncultivated  mind 
cannot  retain  those  stimuli;  it  has  nothing  to  asso- 
ciate them  together.  Therefore  only  by  the  process 
of  example,  hurling  the  entire  force  of  the  accumu- 
lated intelligence  of  generations  into  the  mind  to- 
gether, can  the  act  be  brought  to  fruition.  The 
typical  Mexican  mind  is  of  this  class,  imitative  and 
never  creative,  associating  concrete  acts  without 
dissociating  the  essences  of  those  acts  that  might 
be  gathering  for  the  ultimate  solution  of  some 
future  similar  problem.  The  imitative  faculty  of  the 
Mexican  is  thus  not  even  cumulative;  it  does  not 
save  up  what  it  has  learned  for  a  similar  problem, 
but  must  be  taught  anew  for  each  situation  and  each 
process.  All  this  has  been  learned  through  many 

1  In  general,  the  classifications  of  the  great  psychologist,  William 
James,  are  followed  here.  Cf.  William  James,  "Principles  of  Psy- 
chology," New  York,  1913. 

139 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

failures  and  after  many  blasted  hopes  by  the  foreign 
corporations,  which  have  finally  discovered  how  to 
train  their  Mexican  and  Indian  employes.  So 
long  as  each  process  was  itself  explainable  and  un- 
related, success  followed  them,  but  no  Mexican  of 
the  lower  classes  could  ever  associate  his  knowledge 
with  the  exigencies  of  any  new  situation. 

The  stupidity  of  people  in  the  life  of  Europe  and 
the  United  States  is  largely  their  stupidity  in  the 
selection  of  the  important  detail  of  anything  that 
is  to  be  understood;  the  stupidity  of  the  Mexican, 
and  especially  of  the  Indian,  is  entirely  in  his  utter 
inability  to  select  any  detail  at  all.  The  Mexican 
is  stumped  by  the  whole  situation  because  he  cannot 
analyze  it;  the  European  is  stumped  because  he 
made  a  wrong  selection  of  the  important  or  motivat- 
ing detail.  An  American  newspaper  correspondent 
has  told,  with  picturesque  color,  the  story  of  a 
Mexican  bootblack  who  was  quite  unable  to  polish 
the  American's  shoes  because  they  were  a  shade  of 
brown  which  none  of  his  pots  of  paste  would  match, 
— he  could  not  extract  the  essence  of  an  approximate 
color  as  it  would  have  been  extracted  by  an  American 
bootblack.  The  solution  was  achieved  by  the 
higher  intellect  of  the  American  patron,  who  sug- 
gested, in  pantomime,  that  the  bootblack  use  all  his 
different  colored  pastes  in  succession.  As  he  de- 
scribed the  result,  the  appearance  of  a  creative  im- 
agination upon  the  horizon  of  the  Mexican's  intellect 
brought  relief  and  joy — and  a  meticulous  imitation  of 
the  idea  which  the  American  had  extracted  for  him.1 

1  Rowland  Thomas,  in  the  Sunday  World,  New  York,  July,  1920. 
140 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

For  the  Mexican  is  an  empirical  thinker.  He 
works  his  problems  out  by  "rule  of  thumb",  trial 
and  error  and  trial  again  being  his  chief  process  of 
reasoning.  He  will  follow  tradition  first,  and  if 
tradition  furnishes  no  solution  or  any  related  con- 
ditions from  which  he  may,  by  experiment,  achieve 
the  result  which  a  reasoning  mind  would  reach  by 
deduction,  he  is  completely  nonplussed  and  utterly 
unable  to  work  out  of  his  dilemma.  This  is  attested 
in  cruel  concreteness  by  the  condition  of  the  rolling 
stock  of  the  Mexican  railways  as  this  is  written, 
when  hundreds  of  locomotives  rust  in  the  yards 
because  the  problems  of  their  repair  are  utterly 
beyond  the  mental  faculty  of  the  relatively  efficient 
Mexican  mechanics  who  alone  have  charge  of  the 
railway  shops  since  the  exile  of  their  foreign  foremen 
in  1914. 

A  concomitant  of  this  empirical  process  of  thought 
is  the  well-known  fact  that  the  Mexican  mind  can 
and  does  conceive  brilliant  and  beautiful  "plans" 
and  "proposals"  for  all  sorts  of  projects,  practical 
and  idealistic,  but  is  utterly  lost  when  it  comes 
to  working  those  same  plans  out  in  detail  and  put- 
ting them  into  execution.  The  average  foreigner, 
recognizing  the  sincerity  back  of  the  thoroughly 
workable  ideas  propounded  by  Mexican  govern- 
ments and  Mexican  executives,  naturally  expects 
to  see  the  plans  developed  and  ultimately  realized. 
It  usually  takes  him  years  of  disappointment  and 
slowly  waning  surprise  to  make  up  his  mind  finally 
that  the  more  brilliant  and  necessary  the  Mexican's 
plan,  the  more  unlikely  it  is  to  come  into  realiza- 

141 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

tion.  It  usually  takes  him  even  longer  to  realize 
that  the  failure  of  these  promised  ideals  is  far  more 
often  due  to  the  individual  Mexican's  psychological 
inability  to  face  and  solve  a  new  problem  than  to 
any  innate  "cussedness"  in  the  Mexican  nation. 

All  this  is  merged,  in  its  turn,  into  another  phase 
of  Mexican  thinking,  touched  on  above, — the  un- 
doubted fact  that  the  Mexican  mind  works  from 
concretes,  and  that  one  concrete  thought  or  sug- 
gestion brings  up  in  the  Mexican  mind  not  the 
abstract  thought  which  is  its  shadow,  but  another, 
related,  concrete  thought.  An  empirical  thinker 
like  the  Mexican  sees  only  the  relationship  of  the 
event  or  thing  to  other  similar  events  or  things; 
he  never  cuts  up  either  into  its  essential  elements; 
he  never  extracts  the  detail  that  he  knows  from  the 
whole  that  he  does  not  know,  but  must  find  in  his 
memory  or  experience  another  whole  event  or  thing 
which  is  similar  to  that  which  he  is  regarding.  The 
Mexican  explains  things  in  parables,  instead  of 
reasoning  them  out,  paralleling  the  entire  situation 
with  another  entire  situation  which  he  knows  and 
understands.  He  does  this  and  that  because  it  is 
the  custom,  because  his  ancestors  have  done  it, 
and  not  because  it  has  any  one  essential  thing 
which  he  recognizes  as  beneficial. 

The  abstract  type  of  thinking  is  far  from  absent 
in  the  Mexican  world,  however.  The  most  ab- 
struse of  philosophers  are  to  be  found  not  only 
among  the  Mexican  higher  and  educated  classes, 
with  European  blood  and  training,  but  also  among 
the  shrewd  Indians  of  the  villages  of  the  interior. 

142 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

But  in  virtually  all  of  their  reasoning  is  to  be  found 
this  one  significant  quality, — the  necessity  of  a  con- 
crete basis  from  which  to  work,  the  acquisition  of 
concrete  ideas  and  conceptions  as  the  elements  of 
every  phase  of  the  discussion.  In  other  words, 
the  Mexican  philosopher  or  dialectician  of  whatever 
class  must  invariably  work  from  a  concrete  premise, 
and  his  examples  and  his  development  of  his  theme 
will  be  brought  only  from  other  concrete  bases. 

All  but  the  very  best  Mexican  minds  seem  utterly 
incapable  of  bringing  to  any  situation,  even  to  the 
creation  of  a  work  of  art,  any  spirit  or  force  save  a 
concrete  suggestion  or  a  concrete  inspiration.  The 
most  popular  books  written  by  Mexicans  are 
based  on  concrete  themes;  their  novels  are  those 
"with  a  purpose"  or,  what  is  equally  concrete, 
obviously  created  under  the  inspiration  of  the 
works  of  others.  Their  pictures  are  essentially 
religious  themes,  landscapes  or  faithful  portraits; 
their  music  is  reminiscent  or  frankly  onomatopoetic. 
Of  the  serious  literary  works,  the  chief  themes  are 
historical  or  works  based  on  the  admitted  suggestion 
of  the  themes  of  others.  This  does  not  mean  that 
there  have  not  been  real  contributions  to  world 
literature  and  art  from  Mexico,  for  there  have  been 
many  such.  But  in  one  way  or  another,  all  of  them 
tend  to  support  the  conclusion  that  the  Mexican 
mind  (due  to  climate,  race  or  whatever  cause  there 
may  be)  is  essentially  of  the  concrete  type.  From 
any  concrete  premise  it  can  travel  in  elaborate 
and  often  thrilling  flights  of  fancy  or  of  logic,  but 
never  does  it  work  with  any  but  the  elements  pre- 
143 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

sented  in  the  original  concrete  theme,  unless  sup- 
plemented, not  by  abstract  ideas  or  clear  imagina- 
tion, but  by  equally  concrete  themes  or  examples 
brought  in  from  without. 

A  curious  and  iUuminating  example  of  this  phase 
of  the  best  Mexican  minds  is  presented  hi  the  his- 
tory of  the  diplomatic  relations  of  the  United 
States  with  various  Mexican  governments.  The 
Washington  government  was,  during  the  intendancy 
of  Carranza  as  president  of  Mexico,  tripped  up, 
nonplussed  and  routed,  diplomatically,  again  and 
again  by  what  was  considered  the  wily  diplomacy 
of  that  stubborn  Mexican  executive.  The  actual 
method  of  achieving  American  discomfiture  was 
through  the  brazen  arguments  of  the  Mexican 
Foreign  Office  which  again  and  again,  as  the  Amer- 
ican notes  arrived,  took  those  austere  documents 
and  gleefully  turned  their  firmness  to  ridicule  by 
the  most  detailed  and  philosophical  discussion  of 
the  most  abstruse  points  of  legal  and  diplomatic 
procedure.  Almost  all  such  discussion  was  directed, 
not  at  the  demands  of  the  American  government 
upon  the  Carranza  government,  but  at  the  tactful 
American  suggestions  that  Mexico  comply  with 
those  demands  hi  certain  specified  ways.  To  the 
Anglo-Saxon  those  suggested  means  were  the  de- 
visings  of  kindly  and  scholarly  American  officials 
for  making  compliance  easy;  to  the  Mexican  mind 
they  were  heaven-sent  opportunities  for  endless 
quibbling  and  insolent  delays,  all  of  which  were  care- 
fully within  the  law  and  diplomatic  precedent. 

The  historic  parallels  for  this  method  of  Car- 

144 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

ranza's  are  to  be  found  throughout  the  entire  diplo- 
matic history  of  the  two  countries,  but  in  that 
history  one  record  stands  out  in  illuminating  con- 
trast. This  was  the  note  sent  by  Secretary  Evarts 
to  Porfirio  Diaz  in  1878,  not  long  after  he  ascended 
to  the  Mexican  presidency.  This  Evarts  note  de- 
manded much  the  same  things  that  other  American 
notes  have  always  demanded,  protection  to  Amer- 
ican lives  and  property  and  a  reasonable  state  of 
peace  along  the  Mexican  border,  but  it  had  this 
unique  quality, — that  it  did  not  suggest  how  the 
American  government  expected  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment to  comply.  It  stated  definitely  that  "the 
Government  of  the  United  States  ...  is  not 
solicitous,  it  never  has  been,  about  the  methods  or 
ways  in  which  this  protection  shall  be  accomplished. 
.  .  .  Protection,  in  fact  ...  is  the  sole  point  upon 
which  the  United  States  are  tenacious." 

Here,  be  it  noted,  was  no  presentation  of  means; 
no  phase  of  the  subject  but  the  fact  itself  was  left 
open  for  discussion.  The  result,  the  world  knows, 
was  that  Diaz  called  in  his  chieftains  and  told  them 
that  the  note  meant  American  intervention  unless 
Mexico  behaved,  and  largely  upon  that  threat  was 
built  the  thirty  years  of  his  great  peace.  Not  even 
Diaz  could  find  in  the  Evarts  note  a  basis  for  quib- 
bling or  discussion,  and  not  even  his  far  from  typic- 
ally Mexican  mind  could  summon  up,  out  of  his 
imagination,  any  phase  of  the  subject  which  could 
be  discussed  and  drawn  out  into  long  arguments. 
The  Mexican  mind  can  indeed  reason  most  deli- 
cately and  subtly, — but  only  upon  and  with  the 

145 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

concrete  bases  which  are  presented  in  the  subject 
under  scrutiny. 

The  Liability  of  the  Mexican  to  use  his  mis- 
fortunes for  his  own  advancement  is  one  of  the 
axioms  of  old  residents  in  the  country.  The  incident 
described  above,  when  President  Diaz  turned  a 
virtual  threat  of  intervention  into  a  measure  of 
pacification  of  the  country,  ranks,  with  a  few  other 
of  his  official  acts,  as  almost  the  only  historical 
adaptation  of  untoward  circumstance  to  national 
good.  The  Mexican  has  long  had  a  reputation  as  a 
" quitter",  which  is  largely  due  to  his  inability, 
psychologically,  to  pull  himself  out  of  a  hole  by 
adapting  the  means  of  his  misfortune  to  his  rescue, — 
a  trait  whose  presence  or  absence  marks  other  men 
for  survival  or  for  destruction  in  their  own  native 
struggle. 

The  Mexican  mind,  in  the  change  from  one  polit- 
ical code,  from  one  religious  code,  from  one  code 
of  living  to  another,  almost  invariably  follows  a 
process  of  substitution  and  not  of  adaptation,  the 
complete  displacement  of  one  set  of  principles  by 
another  set  of  principles,  and  never  a  turning  of 
one  to  the  service  of  another.  In  this,  again,  he  is 
supported  by  savage  example,  for  the  savage  is  far 
more  likely  to  adopt  wholesale  the  practical  and 
mechanical  methods  of  the  missionary  or  the  trades- 
man than  to  adopt  his  sentiments  and  his  philoso- 
phy,— as  the  long  records  of  renegade  converts  and 
outraged  colonies  of  foreigners  hi  far-off  lands 
abundantly  testifies. 

One  of  the  phases  of  Mexican  psychology  which 

146 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

the  foreigner  finds  most  difficult  to  understand  is 
this  concreteness  of  the  Mexican  mind,  which  con- 
ceives of  ideas  as  complete  things,  to  be  taken  or 
rejected  in  their  entirety.  This  goes  back  to  a 
fundamental  trait  of  Mexican  thinking,  the  con- 
fusion of  ideas  with  values,  so  that,  as  one  Mexican 
has  put  it,  they  "estimate  a  lawyer  as  a  humani- 
tarian, a  surgeon  as  a  biologist,  a  druggist  as  a 
chemist."1 

This  eternal  weighing  of  what  is  worth  while  in 
each  situation  is  to  a  large  extent  responsible  for 
another  peculiarity,  the  primacy  of  the  sensation- 
impulse  in  the  stimulation  of  the  thought  processes. 
Sensation,  which  in  the  average  healthy  animal 
begets  action,  and  then  thought,  in  the  Mexican  is 
much  more  likely  to  be  the  result  of  thought  than 
a  stimulus  to  thought.  In  the  presence  of  a  possible 
sensation,  the  entire  force  of  the  Mexican  mind  is 
likely  to  be  turned  from  the  sensation  itself  to  cogi- 
tation upon  the  escape  from  or  the  realization  of 
the  end  suggested  by  the  sensation  which  is  felt 
or  pictured  as  desirable.  There  are  many  reasons 
for  this  importance  of  sensation  in  Mexican  psychol- 
ogy, and  not  the  least  is  the  relatively  low  reac- 
tion quality  of  the  usual  Mexican  nervous  system, 
which  thus  diverts  suggestion  from  the  motor  nerves 
to  the  more  ready  brain  cells.  Data  on  this  latter 
point  has  been  gathered  only  in  scattered  instances, 
but  it  seems  safe  to  generalize  from  such  as  is  avail- 
able with  the  assertion  that  the  Mexican  Indian 

•  J  Martin  Luis  Guzman,  "La  Querella  de  Mexico,"  Madrid,  1915, 
page  14. 

147 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

has  a  low  sense  of  physical  pain,  and  that  the 
Mexican  in  general  and  in  all  classes  is  not  as  a  rule 
"quick"  to  respond  to  suggestion  or  to  act  logically 
in  crisis.  In  other  words,  sensation — physical, 
emotional  or  mental — starts  neither  a  train  of  action 
nor  a  process  of  deliberation;  it  starts,  rather,  an 
elaborate  and  complicated  reasoning  as  to  the  most 
desirable  and  exquisite  way  of  satisfying  it  if  it  is 
pleasant  or  shutting  it  off  if  it  is  unpleasant. 

This  almost  blind  domination  of  the  mental  proc- 
esses by  sensation  impulses,  and  the  equally  sig- 
nificant enjoyment  of  quibbling  more  than  accom- 
plishment, lead  to  a  conclusion  which  is  a  starting 
point  on  our  road  to  a  true  understanding  of  Mexico. 

And  this  is  that  as  a  people,  the  Mexicans  have 
not  yet  attained  to  the  plane  of  higher  self-con- 
sciousness. Professor  James  has  evaluated  that 
sense  of  self-realization  hi  his  own  clear  phrases: 
"our  own  reality,  that  sense  of  our  own  life  which 
we  at  every  moment  possess,  is  the  ultimate  of  ulti- 
mates  of  our  belief." 

That  glorious  self-realization  which  is  the  only 
justified  end  of  all  thought  and  all  striving  seems 
indeed  far  distant  from  the  virtues  which  the 
Mexican  mind  seeks.  One  can  picture  the  average 
Mexican,  even  less  than  the  average  peasant  of 
other  races,  looking  in  utter  wonder  at  him  who 
suggests  such  an  end  of  life.  And,  unfortunately, 
we  can  also  see,  sitting  in  the  seats  of  power  in 
Mexico,  men  whose  minds  cannot  conceive  even  the 
self-realization  for  Mexico  which  was  dreamed  by 
the  elder  patriots,  Hidalgo,  Morelos,  Juarez  and 

148 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Diaz.  Their  minds  see  nothing  but  the  concrete, 
the  personal;  their  souls  dream  nothing  but  an 
empty  glory  of  hollow,  quibbling  triumph  over 
some  apathetic  enemy.  Their  attention  turns  not 
to  the  realization  of  their  own  deep  beliefs,  that 
" ultimate  of  ultimates"  which  is  the  justification 
of  thought.  It  flies  to  things  ugly  and  minor, 
unworthy  of  thought  or  care, — the  nonessentials  of 
mere  existence. 

The  problem  of  Mexican  regeneration  on  the  in- 
tellectual plane  resolves  itself  into  a  redirection  of 
the  forces  of  the  mind,  and  that  vital  need  must 
be  met  before  Mexico  can  pass  far  along  the  road 
of  progress.  The  ends  to  which  Mexican  mind-power 
is  now  directed  make  it  impossible  for  the  things 
that  are  really  worth  the  doing,  worthy  of  the  praise 
of  men,  to  rise  by  their  own  buoyancy.  In  the  Mexi- 
can mind  nonessentials  do  not  float  away  into 
nothingness  in  the  winnowing  process  of  mere 
healthy  living;  they  must  be  picked  out  one  by 
one  and  cast  away,  while  the  wheat  is  saved,  grain 
by  grain.  And  such  a  condition  calls  for  all  the 
concentration  of  education  and  civilization  of  which 
the  world  is  capable. 


149 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  " EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

T  ONG  acceptance  of  easy  phrases  has  established 
L*  the  tradition  that  the  Mexican  is  ruled  entirely 
by  his  emotions,  that  his  virtues  and  his  faults  alike 
spring  from  the  instinctive  welling  up  of  a  passion- 
ate nature.  It  may  be  that  an  understanding  of  the 
origins  as  well  as  the  manifestations  of  Mexican 
emotion  will  bring  partial  relief  from  the  bonds  of 
this  tradition,  and  thus  go  far  toward  clarifying  the 
whole  uncomfortable  problem  which  this  national 
psychology  has  presented  to  us. 

The  expressions  of  Mexican  emotion  are  pecu- 
liarly the  creations  of  the  mental  process.  Even 
the  emotion  itself  is  determined  by  the  choices  of 
the  mind  and  the  conscious  or  instinctive  direction 
of  the  mental  powers.  This  is  true  even  in  the 
lower  levels  of  Mexican  life  where  there  is  apparently 
little  reasoning  thought.  Emotion  is  the  slave  of 
intellect,  the  sorry  handmaiden  of  a  mind  which 
filters  life  through  twisted  sieves  and  raises  itself 
to  emotional  heights  or  plunges  itself  to  emotional 
depths  with  sybaritic  deliberation.  The  moral 
standards  of  the  people  apparently  depend  not  a 
little  on  sentiment,  and  while  the  national  " ideals" 
of  land  distribution,  isolation  from  foreign  influence, 

150 


THE  "EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

etc.,  take  their  power  from  sentiment  and  emotion, 
in  their  origins  they  all  trace  far  back  to  intellectual 
decisions. 

Great  grief,  easily  assuaged  by  philosophic  con- 
templation; passionate  love  which  devises  intel- 
lectual stimulants  to  maintain  its  fervor  and  finds 
its  highest  emotional  expression  in  the  largely  men- 
tal amusement  of  jealousy;  bravado  which  arouses 
itself  by  the  reiteration  of  the  fact  that  it  is  muy 
hombre  (very  much  a  man) ;  bravery  which  is  wise 
enough  to  work  itself  up  into  a  noble  frenzy  only 
when  it  is  sure  that  the  enemy  is  numerically  in- 
ferior or  is  already  retiring;  anger  which  never 
breaks  unless  for  studied  effect  or  under  the  in- 
fluence of  intoxicants, — these  are  Mexican  emo- 
tionalism. The  tender  sentiments  of  love  of  off- 
spring have  their  roots,  if  you  will,  in  pride  of 
achievement;  politeness  is  seldom  unstudied;  hon- 
esty is  scrupulous  only  when  it  is  worth  while,  and 
generosity  overflows  only  when  the  attitude  of  the 
beneficiary  conforms  rigidly  to  traditional  stand- 
ards of  simpatm  and  appreciation  of  Mexican 
dignity. 

An  emotional  temperament,  to  be  sure,  is  part  of 
the  equipment  of  every  soul  born  of  the  mixed 
bloods  of  Mexico  and  nurtured  under  her  tropic 
sun.  But  with  it  comes  also  a  mind  which  from 
childhood  trains  itself  in  the  visualizing  faculty 
which  calls  up  circumstances  and  ideas  capable  of 
creating  the  physical  sensation  which  is  the  veritable 
emotion  of  that  temperament.  Perhaps  this  fac- 
ulty is  imagination,  but  if  it  is,  it  so  truly  absorbs 

151 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

all  the  other  manifestations  of  the  quality  as  to 
resolve  itself  into  an  intellectual  concentration  that 
has  no  other  end. 

Modern  psychologists  hold  that  the  sensation 
itself  is  the  emotion,  and  that  stripped  of  the 
physical  feeling  the  emotion  disappears.  The 
function  of  the  Mexican  mind,  then,  is  merely  to 
create  the  feeling,  the  idea  of  the  sensation,  and 
then  the  emotion  follows  forthwith.  Observation 
of  the  Mexican  in  his  emotional  states  will  go  far  to 
convince  even  the  believer  in  the  genuineness  of 
Mexican  sentiment  that  this  is  exactly  what  he 
deliberately  seeks  to  accomplish.  The  outstanding 
example  is,  of  course,  the  satisfaction  of  the  sex 
instinct,  to  which  the  typical  Mexican  devotes  ap- 
proximately three-fourths  of  his  intellectual  energy, 
although  the  lesser  emotional  instincts  come  well 
under  the  operation  of  this  tremendous  law. 

Primarily,  the  natural  basis  of  our  emotions  is 
of  course  our  instincts.  And  all  elementary  train- 
ing to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  man,  as  a 
mere  animal,  normally  has  more  instincts  than  any 
of  his  fellow  creatures,  for,  as  Professor  James 
expresses  it  somewhere,  "  Instinct  shades  into  re- 
flex action  below  and  into  acquired  habits  or  sug- 
gested activity  above."  But  there  is  a  relative 
paucity  of  higher  instincts  in  the  Mexican  mind. 
The  three  great  instincts,  Lust,  Anger  and  Fear, 
are  present,  but  above  them  there  are  immense 
stretches  of  void  and  empty  emotional  life.  There 
is  a  rudimentary  sense  of  beauty,  an  appreciation 
of  sonorous  music,  poetry  and  oratory  and  a  not 

152 


THE  " EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

too  lovely  sense  of  humor,  but  we  appeal  in  vain 
to  the  average  Mexican  for  the  nobler  sentiments  of 
true  devotion  and  true  sympathy,  we  seek  unsuc- 
cessfully in  the  lower  levels  of  his  mind  for  a  true 
sense  of  play,  even  a  true  curiosity  or  a  true  shyness 
such  as  makes  a  comfortable  brown  bear  a  charming 
friend. 

Of  the  great  instincts  which  form  the  mainspring 
of  Mexican  life  the  chiefest — and  at  the  same  time 
the  most  profound — emotion  is  lust,  the  sex 
urge.  The  primary  instinct  of  all  animal  life  (next 
to  self-preservation),  in  the  Mexican  it  transcends 
everything  else.  No  appraisal  of  the  Mexican 
mind  is  complete  without  an  appreciation  of  its 
overwhelming  importance,  just  as  no  appraisal  of 
Mexican  health  and  achievement  is  complete  with- 
out an  understanding  of  the  sexual  over-indul- 
gence which  is  the  result  of  this  intellectual  pre- 
occupation. 1 

The  sex  instinct,  the  emotion  of  lust,  has  been 
referred  to  just  above  as  the  outstanding  ex- 
ample of  the  Mexican's  devotion  of  all  his  intel- 
lectual forces,  not  merely  to  the  gratification  of 
emotional  desire,  but  to  the  very  creation  of  that 
desire.  A  sweeping  condemnation  is  always  unfair, 
but  no  people,  probably,  have  ever  devoted  so 
much  intellectual  concentration  to  the  ends  of  sex 
as  the  average  and  typical  Mexican.  Eroticism 
in  its  perverted  forms  is  probably  not  overly  com- 
mon, but  the  " normal"  sex  expressions  are  the  end 
of  life  for  the  average  Mexican,  particularly  the 

1  C/.  "The  People  of  Mexico,"  pages  380  et  seq. 
153 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

average  Mexican  male.  His  mind  dwells  ever  on 
sex;  and  what  corresponds  to  his  imagination  is 
devoted — all  of  it — to  sex  gratifications.  Where 
the  sex  desire  in  its  physical  expressions  is  not  forth- 
coming with  sufficient  frequency  to  satisfy  the 
intellectual  idea  of  its  pleasure,  the  forces  of  the 
mind  are  directed  to  the  creation  of  the  physical 
desire  itself.  A  Mexican  youth,  spending  his 
evening  in  the  tantalizing  occupation  of  talking 
through  the  stout  bars  of  her  front  window  to  the 
girl  who  is  to  be  his  wife,  on  parting  from  her  hies 
him  quickly  to  the  arms  of  his  temporary  mistress 
before  the  excitement  of  the  hours  of  cooing  love- 
making  with  his  fiancee  shall  have  worn  away, — 
such  bliss  of  desire  must  not  be  wasted. 

This  phase  of  Mexican  mentality,  so  studiously 
avoided  in  nearly  all  books  on  Mexico,  yet  so 
tremendous  a  factor  in  the  national  ineptitude  of 
mind  and  character,  is  patent  to  all  who  live  long 
in  the  country.  It  is  recognized  by  the  elabo- 
rate care  with  which  the  girls  of  the  upper  classes 
are  protected  by  convent  education  and  by  careful 
chaperonage,  and  by  the  almost  universal  custom, 
in  the  same  ranks  of  society,  of  sending  the  boys 
out  of  the  country  for  education  in  schools  in  the 
United  States  and  Europe,  where  more  wholesome 
ideas  are  the  rule  and  where  the  influences  of 
servants  and  of  the  customs  of  the  land  have  not 
the  inevitable  effect  which  they  have  in  Mexico. 

The  care  of  both  boys  and  girls  is  frankly  as  a 
caution  against  the  too  early  development  of  sexual 
interests,  and  although  we  might  easily  criticize 

154 


THE  "EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

the  customs  which  prevent  the  wholesome  meeting 
of  boys  and  girls  in  ordinary  play,  which  make 
healthy  exercise  impossible  for  " properly"  cul- 
tured children,  and  which  make  courtship  a  tan- 
talizing and  overstimulating  emotional  debauch,  we 
cannot  sidestep  the  fact  that  lust  is  and  will  prob- 
ably long  continue  to  be  the  chief  preoccupation 
of  the  Mexican  intellect.  Nor  can  we  fail  to  see, 
no  matter  how  widely  we  look  askance,  that  the 
keen  and  active  Mexican  child  sails  through  his 
lessons  and  manifests  the  most  astonishing  aptitude 
for  the  arts  or  for  duties  of  citizenship,  until,  when 
the  age  of  puberty  comes,  he  suddenly  collapses 
like  a  punctured  balloon.  From  that  moment  on 
he  flattens  his  whole  life  out  into  a  busy  search, 
first  for  sexual  adventures  and  soon  and  forever 
after  for  some  mental  stimulus  which  will  keep 
him  spurred  forward  in  the  race  for  the  things  of 
lust. 

The  byproduct  of  this  concentration  on  lust  is 
the  virtual  absence,  save  in  the  highest  ranks  of 
society,  of  what  the  Anglo-Saxon  conceives  as  love. 
The  whole  Mexican  social  organization  crushes  the 
woman  into  the  position  of  a  sexual  slave,  and  the 
companionship  which  makes  love  and  marriage  a 
sacrament,  not  only  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  lands  but 
in  the  Latin  lands  of  Europe  as  well,  is  as  absent 
from  the  average  Mexican  home  as  it  is  from  the 
Oriental.  Elsewhere1  this  family  organization  has 
been  discussed  with  sufficient  frankness,  so  that 
here  it  need  be  only  mentioned.  It  seems  to  be  the 

1  Cf.  "The  People  of  Mexico,"  Book  II,  chapter  v. 
155 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

result,  literally,  of  the  concentration  on  sex  and  of 
the  overstimulation  which  keeps  the  mind  from 
long  occupation  on  any  subject  that  has  not  lust 
or  the  stimulation  of  lust  as  its  chief  end.  The 
love  that  might  well  be  the  revivifying  element  in 
torn  and  bleeding  Mexico  has  thus,  through  the 
centuries,  been  sacrificed  on  the  altars  of  its  baser 
sisters. 

One  phase  only  of  true  love  persists, — the  family 
instinct,  an  instinct  shared  with  many  of  the  beasts, 
to  be  sure,  but  a  mighty  and  a  hopeful  factor  in 
Mexico.  Maternity  brings  love  in  its  train,  as  all 
the  world  around,  and  through  life  the  bond  per- 
sists, in  varying  degree  and  with  varying  mani- 
festations. In  the  higher  classes,  it  creates  a 
powerful  union,  and  the  family  is  one  of  the  great 
hopes  of  Mexican  regeneration.  In  the  lower 
classes,  the  family  ties  are  virtually  all  on  the 
maternal  line,  for  wandering  fathers  and  the  lack 
of  any  firm  system  of  matrimony  give  us  only  the 
material  for  a  most  primeval  society  with  the 
mother,  like  the  sage  old  she-wolf,  the  ruler  and 
head  of  all. 

But  of  all  the  manifestations  of  the  kaleidoscopic 
emotions  of  love  and  lust,  jealousy  is,  to  the  out- 
sider, the  most  violent.  It  is  the  "terrible  jealousy" 
of  the  Mexican  male,  the  " unreasoning  wrath"  of 
the  outraged  husband  which  stand  out  in  the  usual 
observations  on  Mexican  love.  And  jealousy  is, 
when  all  is  said  and  done,  a  largely  intellectual 
product.  It  is  created  by  the  vision  of  the  eye  and 

ear,  nurtured  hi  the  hothouse  of  cogitation  and  is 

156 


THE  "EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

thrust  forth  with  a  more  or  less  deliberate  pur- 
pose,— the  effect  which  its  manifestations  may  have 
on  the  object  of  affection  and  upon  the  interloper 
within  the  walls. 

The  manifestations  of  jealousy  bring  us  imme- 
diately to  the  second  of  the  great  emotions,  anger, 
for  jealousy  bears  a  close  relationship  to  it.  Baffled 
lust,  the  origin  of  jealousy,  is  closely  related  to  all 
the  causes  of  anger,  impotence,  disappointment,  etc. 

Apologists  for  the  Mexican  excesses  of  the  present 
series  of  revolutions  find  ample  material  in  explana- 
tions that  the  atrocities  are  the  result  of  outbreaks 
of  the  " ungovernable  temper"  of  the  unhappy 
mixed  breeds  and  Indians.  But  granted  once  more 
(as  always)  the  emotional  temperament  and  an 
equal  lack  of  self-control,  these  outbursts  are  almost 
as  much  the  result  of  deliberate  thought  as  the 
planned  "  campaign  of  frightfulness"  in  the  Great 
War.  The  cause  is  the  same,  psychologically.  The 
Mexican,  lacking  as  he  is  in  courage  (although  he  is 
often  brave,  to  draw  an  important  distinction), 
conceives,  consciously  or  subconsciously,  that  anger 
and  atrocity  will  frighten  his  adversary,  and  so 
works  up  both  with  that  single  end  in  view.  The 
inspiring  of  fear  is  the  great  idea  back  of  virtually 
all  manifestations  of  Mexican  anger.  It  is  the  old 
story  of  the  hideous  masks  of  the  ancient  Chinese 
warriors,  worn  for  the  purpose  of  frightening  the 
adversary,  the  modern  story  of  German  atrocity, 
to  cow  the  civilian  population  of  invaded  countries, 
to  stop  the  onslaughts  of  the  enemy  by  crucifying 

their  captured  fellows. 

157 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Anger  under  sudden  provocation  there  is,  of 
course,  but  such  anger  is  essentially  childlike,  com- 
ing easily  and  passing  away  often  without  leaving 
a  ripple  on  the  surface  of  the  mind.  For  even  the 
great  "cholers"  which  are  spoken  of  with  bated 
breath  are  comparable  to  nothing  hi  the  world  so 
much  as  a  child  lying  on  the  floor  and  kicking  in  a 
burst  of  wild  and  uncontrolled  temper,  and  they 
usually  pass  with  no  worse  result  than  nervous 
exhaustion. 

In  fear,  there  is  less  of  the  intellectual  than  in 
lust  and  anger.  The  effect  of  the  intellectual  process 
on  fear  is  to  inhibit  it,  and  Mexican  cowardice  is 
thoroughly  unreasoning.  To  begin  at  the  very  begin- 
ning of  fear-expression  in  that  disinterested  cruelty 
which  is  so  definite  a  trait  of  Mexican  character,  we 
find  but  little  opportunity  to  account  for  it  on  an 
intellectual  basis.  Such  cruelty  belongs  in  the  lower 
ranges  of  animal  life,  a  primal  instinct  connected 
with  the  chase,  with  battle,  and  so  with  the  deepest 
fear-instinct. 

The  cruelty  of  Mexico,  moreover,  has  sound 
basis  in  historic  heritage.  The  human  sacrifices  of 
the  Aztecs  were  a  shock  even  to  the  Spaniards,  but 
the  conquerors'  contribution  to  this  psychological 
phase  of  the  mixed  race  caused  very  little  confusion 
in  the  Indian.  The  Spaniard  was  not  above 
cruelty,  and  he  did  not  discourage  the  Aztec  love 
of  bloodshed,  although  he  abolished  cannibalism 
and  the  religious  forms  of  human  sacrifice  which 
were  at  variance  with  his  Christian  teaching.  Any 
Mexican  repugnance  at  bloodshed  that  there  may 

158 


THE  "EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

be  has  no  source  in  the  human  tendency  to  picture 
oneself  in  the  suffering  which  is  displayed,  however. 
Professional  assassins  have  always  abounded,  and 
the  instinct  for  blood  takes  form  hi  bullfights,  cock- 
fights, and  the  use  of  the  dagger. 

As  to  cruelty  to  animals,  as  such,  there  is  a  con- 
fusion of  the  emotional  enjoyment  of  bloodshed 
with  the  philosophical  idea  that  one  must  get  the 
most  for  the  least  trouble,  The  slaughtering  of  a 
steer  on  a  Mexican  ranch  is  the  subject  of  great 
interest  to  the  entire  family  and  one  of  the  brutal 
traditional  practices  is  to  tie  up  a  beef  for  two  or 
three  days  without  food  or  water  before  killing  him. 
Perhaps  of  similar  origin  is  the  fact  that  the  Mexican 
seldom  kills  an  animal  which  breaks  a  leg,  but  rather 
leaves  it  to  die  in  great  suffering  after  many  days. 
If  a  foreigner  suggests  killing  the  beast  to  save  his 
agony,  he  is  greeted  with  the  assertion  that  the 
owner  loves  that  animal  and  has  not  the  heart  to 
kill  him.  But  if  the  foreigner  insists  in  his  humane 
intention  and  shoots  the  sufferer,  he  is,  as  often  as 
not,  required  to  pay  for  the  animal  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  it  would  have  died  in  any  case.  Instances 
of  cruel  beatings  of  animals  are  common,  and  a 
peon  will  starve  his  burro,  horse  or  cow  without 
compunction.  This  can  perhaps  be  explained  by 
the  fact  that  the  average  Mexican  peon,  in  handling 
animals,  treats  them  as  well  as  he  treats  himself, 
because  he  often  goes  without  food  or  eats  what  is 
available.  The  attitude  of  the  upper-class  Mexicans 
toward  their  animals  is  sometimes  humane,  but  sel- 
dom sympathetic.  The  use  of  curb-bits  and  the 

159 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

fierce  riding  of  horses,  the  unnecessary  cruelties  to 
dogs  and  other  pets,  can,  at  its  best,  be  traced  only 
to  traditional  belief  that  these  are  the  proper  meth- 
ods for  " handling"  animals  to  get  " service"  and 
proper  homage. 

The  bullfight  may  perhaps  be  accounted  for 
equally  well  as  a  race  heritage  from  the  days  when 
the  hunting  of  fierce  beasts  was  a  vital  factor  in 
savage  life,  as  on  the  ground  of  disinterested  cruelty. 
Indeed,  the  entertainment  and  the  exhibition  of  the 
skillful  art  of  the  matador  may  be  given  by  a  Mexi- 
can as  reason  enough  for  a  bullfight,  but  it  does  not 
account  for  the  prevalence  of  cruelty  in  the  great 
national  sports  of  cockfighting  and  bullbaiting  as 
well.  We  must  still  admit  disinterested  cruelty  as 
one  of  tne  most  significant  branches  of  the  great 
emotional  family  of  fear. 

Above  the  plane  of  cruelty,  however,  fear  takes 
on  other  significant  secondary  forms.  If  the  evolu- 
tion of  man  from  the  brute  and  from  the  savage  is 
marked,  as  it  is  marked,  by  a  steadily  lessening 
frequency  of  the  occasions  for  unreasoning  fear,  then 
hi  the  Mexican  the  advance  has  reached  a  stage 
where  fear  is  still  powerful  but  has  taken  on  special 
forms  of  expression. 

Perhaps  the  lowest  of  these  is  that  suspicion  which 
is  so  dominating  a  mental  trait  in  the  Indians  of 
Mexico  and  so  direct  a  result  of  the  isolation  in 
which  the  people  live.  In  the  interior  villages  and 
Indian  settlements,  as  has  been  noted,  the  stranger 
is  always  regarded  as  a  potential  enemy,  and  the 
fear  and  suspicion  are  also  developed,  by  such  men- 

160 


THE  " EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

tal  processes  as  are  used,  into  an  elaborate  system 
of  feuds  with  neighboring  villages, — traits,  both  of 
them,  of  the  unthinking  savage  the  world  around. 
In  the  slightly  higher  grades  of  Mexican  life,  fear 
takes  yet  another  form  in  the  cunning  which  shapes 
so  much  of  the  life  of  the  lower  middle  classes,  the 
eternal  effort  to  find  an  advantage  which  will  over- 
come a  real  or  supposed  superiority  in  their  fellows 
or  in  the  foreigner. 

Fear  is  almost  the  only  motive  recognized  in  the 
Mexican  mind  for  the  impulses  of  kindliness,  sym- 
pathy and  consideration  which  are  offered  to  Mexi- 
can individuals  or  groups  by  the  simple  foreigner. 
Kindness,  even  politeness,  in  a  foreigner  is  accepted 
by  the  mass  of  Mexicans  as  a  sign  of  weakness,  a 
manifestation  of  fear.  The  astonishing  responses 
which  are  made,  in  diplomacy  as  in  private  life,  to 
generous  advances,  have  their  origin  in  this  one 
conviction, — that  courtesy  and  consideration  come 
only  from  fear  of  the  object  thereof. 

A  thoroughly  typical  example  of  this  attitude  is 
found  in  the  story  of  an  American  who,  hearing  that 
a  Mexican  woman  servant  whom  he  had  once  em- 
ployed was  anxious  to  possess  a  gold  wrist  watch, 
sent  one  to  her  from  New  York.  His  acknowledg- 
ment was  from  the  woman's  new  employer,  who 
reported  that  she  had  accepted  the  gift,  but  had 
announced  that  it  had  been  sent  her  because  her 
former  employer  feared  her,  because  she  knew  so 
much  of  his  affairs! 

The  story  will  strike  an  answering  chord  in  the 
experience  of  all  who  have  had  contact  with 

161 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Mexicans.  In  many  cases  the  condition  is  amusing, 
as  here;  in  others,  it  is  the  source  of  personal  trag- 
edy, business  difficulties,  or,  what  is  more  far- 
reaching,  serious  diplomatic  complications.  It  is 
doubtful  if  Americans  will  live  down,  in  less  time 
than  a  generation,  the  effect  on  the  Mexican  mind 
of  the  conciliatory  tactics  pursued  by  President 
Wilson  toward  the  Carranza  government.  No 
Mexican  official  then  or  now  believes  that  there 
was  any  other  motive  for  Mr.  Wilson's  patience 
than  a  fear  of  the  harm  Carranza  could  do  the 
United  States,  either  by  invasion  (actually!)  or  by 
openly  espousing  the  German  cause  in  the  war. 
And  no  Anglo-Saxon  needs  to  be  a  partisan  to  know 
that  whatever  the  blunders  of  the  Wilson  policy 
toward  Mexico  may  have  been,  they  were  dictated 
by  an  over-anxiety  to  "give  Carranza  a  chance." 
It  is  the,  tragedy  of  that  policy  that  it  failed  so 
utterly  to  grasp  the  merest  fundamentals  of  Mexi- 
can psychology. 

Of  the  remaining  human  instincts,  perhaps  the 
conditions  surrounding  curiosity  in  the  Mexican 
are  the  most  significant  and  illuminating.  For 
curiosity,  as  such,  is  not  one  of  the  outstanding 
characteristics  of  the  Indian  or  of  the  mixed  breed. 
His  eye  seldom  sparkles  with  interest  and  seldom 
does  one  find  that  spirit  of  wonder  which  is  the 
beginning  of  imagination  and,  indeed,  of  education 
and  uplift.  Apathy,  so  prominent  a  characteristic 
of  the  whole  Mexican  people,  has  its  beginnings  in 
this  lack  of  curiosity.  Back  of  apathy  are  also  ill- 
health  (a  national  ill  health),  an  abuse  of  stimulants, 

162 


THE  "EMOTIONAL'1  MEXICAN 

and  other  physical  causes,  and  in  addition  it  has 
even  a  social  source.  The  fatalism  which  has  killed 
curiosity  and  made  apathy  a  national  characteristic 
in  Mexico  has  been  nurtured  by  the  centuries  upon 
centuries  when  no  choice  has  ever  been  required  of 
the  mass  of  Mexicans.  Aztec  emperors,  Spanish 
governors,  republican  politicians,  have  asked  and 
wanted  none  of  it,  and  never,  even  in  the  late  years 
of  radical  socialism  in  Mexico,  has  there  been  any 
true  awakening  of  the  masses  to  curiosity,  to  delib- 
erative choice,  to  an  impersonal  interest  in  the  world 
in  which  they  live. 

Shyness  normally  has  similar  origins  with  curi- 
osity and  is  based  in  the  terror  of  the  unknown. 
In  the  Mexican  this  very  elimination  of  choice,  the 
very  providing  of  a  dull  round  of  monotonous  life 
which  has  been  his  portion  through  the  ages,  has 
eliminated  much  of  the  instinct  of  shyness  which  is 
characteristic  of  savage  peoples;  only  in  childhood 
and  under  conditions  of  servility  does  it  really 
manifest.  On  the  other  hand,  secretiveness,  an  in- 
stinct which  is  actually  an  intellectual  phase  of 
primitive  shyness,  is  developed  beyond  all  bounds 
in  the  Mexican;  he  turns,  again,  to  the  mental  as 
opposed  to  the  instinctive.  His  secretiveness  is 
part,  indeed,  of  that  true  or  false  consciousness  of 
inferiority  which  is  one  of  the  motivating  agents  of 
the  Mexican  attitude  toward  the  outside  world. 

Acquisitiveness,  traceable  to  envy  and  to  jeal- 
ousy, is  an  instinct  which  is  bound  up  with  the 
qualities  of  honesty  and  dishonesty,  but  it  is  un- 
likely that  the  true  manifestations  of  it  as  an  instinct 

163 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

are  really  to  be  found  in  the  Mexican  nature.  It, 
again,  appears  chiefly  as  the  result  of  conscious  or 
subconscious  thought  directed  by  or  directing  the 
desires  of  the  mind  and  body. 

Honesty  is  an  instinct  whose  presence  or  absence 
in  Mexican  character  has  been  the  text  for  endless 
discussions.  Superficial  observers  who  have  come  in 
contact  chiefly  with  the  lower  classes  are  very  likely 
to  find  that  the  Mexican  is  without  honor  and  with- 
out any  sense  of  honesty.  On  the  other  hand, 
those  tactful  persons  who  have  had  large  business 
dealings  with  the  highest  type  of  Mexicans  discover 
that  they  are  almost  invariably  honest  and  honor- 
able. Such  people  usually  recognize  the  differing 
code  of  honor  and  realize  that  petty  thefts  in 
justice  should  not  come  under  discussion  of  honesty 
in  a  land  where  centuries  of  feudal  organization 
have  drilled  into  the  mind  of  the  people  the  idea 
that  there  were  certain  perquisites  which  belong  to 
the  common  man,  even  though  law  may  hold  them 
the  property  of  his  master.  It  is  very  probable  that 
most  of  the  dishonesty  in  Mexico  can  be  traced, 
also,  to  a  sense  of  values,  and  that  honesty  is 
present  when  it  is  worth  while  and  absent  when  it 
seems  unimportant.  In  large  matters  the  Mexican 
is  usually  worthy  of  a  high  degree  of  trust,  but  in 
small  matters  the  peon,  at  least,  is  a  natural  pil- 
ferer. A  special  phase  of  the  question  of  honesty 
comes  up  in  the  fact  that  a  Mexican  does  not,  as  a 
rule,  trust  his  own  people  as  much  as  he  will  trust 
'a  foreigner  who  is  trained  in  a  more  rigid  school  of 
ethics.  This  last  point  is  probably  its  own  explana- 

164 


THE  "EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

tion  and  a  reflection  on  Mexican  moral  training. 
The  code  of  honor  of  upper-class  Mexicans  is  high, 
although  easily  diverted  by  the  self-delusion  to 
which  the  race  is  prone.  Old  residents  find  that  the 
trusted  servant  in  Mexico  is  the  honest  servant, 
but  they  have,  of  course,  learned  how  to  arouse  his 
sense  of  honor. 

Property  rights  are  complicated  by  the  inherit- 
ance of  the  Indian  communal  idea.  The  peon's 
right  to  steal  ore  from  the  mine  in  which  he  works, 
flour  from  the  sacks  which  he  is  transporting,  are 
never  questioned  in  the  offender's  mind,  and  the  idea 
of  humanity's  equal  ownership  of  all  the  fruits  of 
the  soil  crops  up  again  and  again.  Another  phase 
is  shown  in  the  story  of  a  rancher,  who,  having 
borrowed  a  boiler  and  kept  it  two  years,  sold  it 
because  he  had  had  it  so  long  that  he  considered  it 
his  own.  A  similar  case  is  that  of  another  small 
farmer  who  borrowed  a  wheelbarrow  and  consid- 
ered it  an  act  of  injustice  when  he  was  asked  to 
return  it  after  a  year. 

The  moral  instinct  of  the  Mexican  is  one  of  the 
complicated  phases  of  his  psychology,  for  it  again  is 
tied  up  with  race,  with  climate  and  with  food.  The 
influence  of  the  Church  in  Mexico  was  exerted,  at 
least  in  the  early  days,  along  mystical  lines,  and, 
save  for  education  in  theology,  the  practical  prob- 
lems of  ethics  were  touched  only  in  their  relation 
to  the  future  life  and  very  little  in  their  relation  to 
the  present.  As  a  result  the  early  Mexican,  with 
his  heritage  of  Indian  mysticism  and  Spanish  theol- 
ogy, built  up  a  fabric  of  moral  customs  which  are, 

165 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

to  his  descendants,  more  important  than  any  mere 
moral  principles.  To  a  lesser  extent  this  is  true 
throughout  Mexican  social  life,  and  the  traditions 
of  the  classes  have  set  their  moral  standards.  These 
may  be  explained  briefly  as  a  distinction  between 
immorality  and  immorality.  The  Mexican  may  be 
said  to  be  unmoral  as  judged  by  current  European 
and  American  standards.  Right  and  wrong,  par- 
ticularly in  the  relationship  of  men  and  women, 
has  little  place  in  his  philosophy,  and  pure  ethics 
is  a  phase  of  philosophy  which  influences  few 
Mexican  processes  of  thought. 

If  the  instinct  for  morality  is  somewhat  atrophied 
into  an  intellectual  weighing  of  what  is  worth  the 
effort  of  righteousness,  the  instinct  for  play  is  a 
hardly  more  beautiful  development.  Years  ago, 
when  the  writer  first  went  to  Mexico,  his  series  of 
articles  in  a  Mexico  City  newspaper1  set  down 
his  early  impressions  with  a  frankness  which  greater 
knowledge  might  have  inhibited.  Through  those 
impressions,  thus  recorded,  ran  a  continuous  ex- 
pression of  surprise  over  the  brooding  melancholy 
of  the  people,  over  the  utter  absence  of  that  spirit 
of  play  which  makes  a  crowd,  hi  New  York  or  Lon- 
don or  Paris,  especially  at  festival  time,  a  good- 
natured,  sociable,  if  aimless  mass  of  natural  friends. 
It  simply  was  not  present  in  the  Mexican  crowd,  and 
because  it  was  not,  a  sense  of  melancholy  seemed 
omnipresent.  On  one  occasion,  the  article  discussed 
the  appearance  of  the  Mexican  group  at  a  festival 

1  "  Notes  of  a  Newcomer,"  The  Mexican  Herald,  December, 
1904,  and  January,  1905. 

166 


THE  " EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

time  which,  under  brilliant  fireworks  and  in  the 
balmy  whiter  night  of  Mexico  City,  was  absorbing 
the  music  and  the  parades  devised  by  the  wise 
old  dictator,  Diaz,  for  the  amusement  of  his  people. 
The  picture  was  depressing.  The  editor  of  the  paper 
commented  that  it  had  its  merits  of  truth,  but  that 
as  acquaintance  broadened,  the  realization  would 
come  that  the  peons  had  their  " little  jokes  just 
like  other  people."  That  broader  acquaintance  has 
come  and  with  it  the  realization  that  there  are 
jokes  and  a  true  and  subtle  humor;  that  the  emo- 
tional crowd  is  played  upon  by  music  and  by  oratory 
and  by  poetry;  and  that  it  enjoys  its  festivals  and 
dances.  But  with  that  broadening  knowledge  there 
has  never  come  a  feeling  that  the  sense  of  play, 
the  spirit  which  makes  life  livable  and  worth  all 
it  costs  of  pain  and  sorrow, — that  this  sense  of  play 
is  an  instinct  in  any  Mexican. 

It  is  not  impossible  that  this  absence  is  responsi- 
ble alike  for  the  great  emotional  influence  of  oratory 
and  poetry  and  for  the  particular  types  of  humor 
which  are  characteristic  of  the  Mexican.  The 
Mexican  in  action  never  "has  a  picture  of  himself" 
as  the  Anglo-Saxon  phrases  it.  He  never  sees  the 
incongruous  side  of  the  figure  which  he  cuts,  a 
trait  which  is  vital  to  any  one  who  would,  for  ex- 
ample, compose  and  recite  a  ponderous  ode  on  the 
occasion  of  the  inauguration  of  a  new  public  laun- 
dry in  an  Indian  village.  Nor  has  he  the  self-con- 
sciousness which  will  prevent  his  responding  with 
tense  and  appreciative  emotion  to  the  stirrings  of 

such  a  poem  or  to  the  stately  phrases  of  an  elaborate 

167 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

oration.  It  is  hardly  for  the  Saxon  to  say  that  his 
own  utter  self-consciousness,  his  own  clear  picture 
of  himself  in  every  situation  is  the  better  part; 
suffice  it  that  the  Mexican  is  different,  and  that  as 
a  result  he  hears  and  thrills  to  poems,  odes  and  ora- 
tions with  a  simplicity  and  genuineness  that  go  far  to 
justify  the  authors  and  the  speakers  of  such  efforts. 

This  instinct  for  the  beautiful,  shall  we  say,  runs 
through  the  entire  gamut  of  Mexican  life.  In  music, 
improvisations  are  the  accepted  test  of  skill,  and 
even  in  the  fields  with  the  peons,  he  who  can  impro- 
vise words  and  music  is  not  only  rewarded  with 
honest  appreciation  but  is  a  type  to  be  found  in 
almost  every  group. 

Moreover,  the  instinct  for  oratory  and  dialectic 
is  almost  universal.  Peons  will  argue  with  high- 
sounding  phrases  and  voices  ringing  with  sentiment 
upon  the  most  trivial  situations  based  upon  the 
weakest  of  premises.  Of  late  years  the  formerly 
forbidden  field  of  politics  has  opened  to  give  new 
impetus  both  to  oratory  and  debate,  and  where, 
before,  the  Mexican  could  argue  of  nothing  but 
his  individual  wrongs,  the  gossip  of  his  neighbors 
and  the  behavior  of  his  sons,  even  the  peon  can 
now  make  great  strophes  of  his  new  conceptions  of 
socialism  and  the  rights  of  man.  To  this  the 
Mexican  now  devotes  much  energy  and  a  vast 
amount  of  rhetoric.  Almost  any  Mexican,  when  he 
is  trained  intellectually,  is  a  fiery  orator  and  debater, 
skilful  in  repartee  and  perfectly  capable  of  holding 
his  own  in  any  argument.  As  a  people  the  Mexicans 

respond  distinctly  to  the  power  of  eloquence,  often 

168 


THE  "  EMOTIONAL "  MEXICAN 

a  very  charming  eloquence.  The  lower  classes  are 
swayed  hither  and  yon  by  skilful  speakers,  and  any 
orator  is  sure  of  an  audience,  even  though  it  be 
the  same  audience  which  cheered  as  loudly  for  his 
rival  a  few  moments  before. 

Mexican  humor  seems  closely  related  to  this 
same  instinct  of  appreciation,  of  emotional  re- 
sponse. There  is  little  of  the  heavy  chaffing  typical 
of  Anglo-Saxon  wit,  and  the  two  outstanding  types 
of  the  lighter  emotion  are  ridicule  and  punning. 
The  latter,  the  universal  form  of  wit  the  world 
around,  takes  a  special  form  in  Mexico,  where,  for 
example,  the  shift  of  well-known  public  scandals  to 
personal  situations  is  universal,  even  down  to  the 
classes  where  one  would  ordinarily  never  seek  it. 
It  has  been  said  that  most  humor  is  based  on 
suffering  or  discomfort,  and  this  is  indeed  true  in 
Mexico,  where  there  seems  ever  to  be  mingled  a 
touch  of  cruelty. 

The  easy  response  of  the  Mexican  mind  to  the 
particular  form  of  humor  which  is  contained  in 
ridicule  is  so  prompt  and  goes  so  deep  that  such  a 
jest  immediately  turns  the  most  serious  matters 
into  jokes,  and  the  recovery  from  such  a  joke  to  the 
plane  of  serious  consideration  is  literally  impos- 
sible. Such  a  condition  is  of  course  not  the  peculiar 
property  of  Mexico,  but  there  the  joke  need  hardly 
be  even  good  hi  order  to  work  havoc;  the  only 
requirement  seems  to  be  that  laughter  come.  A 
spark  of  wit  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  in  Mexico 
City  has  been  sufficient  at  times,  even  though  it 
were  but  an  awkward  jest,  to  ruin  the  most  impor- 

169 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

tant  business.  A  facetious  saying  passing  from 
one  to  another  has  been  known  to  upset  an  entire 
government  policy,  and  a  humorous  epithet  at- 
tached to  a  government  official  has  more  than  once 
brought  him  to  absolute  downfall. 

An  instance  of  the  latter  was  the  dubbing  of 
Gustavo  Madero,  brother  of  the  president,  as  "Ojo 
Par  ado,"  a  comment  on  his  glass  eye.  This  cir- 
cumstance actually  had  much  to  do  with  bringing 
him  into  contempt  and  ridicule,  for  the  reports  of  his 
alleged  profiteering  in  public  works  (the  equivalent 
for  which  in  Spanish  is  "Obras  Ptiblicas")  were 
stamped  indelibly  upon  him  by  referring  to  him  as 
"O.  P.",  the  initials  of  both  "Obras  Publicas"  and 
"Ojo  Parado." 

A  wit  in  Mexico  City  named  the  cabinet  selected 
by  Limantour  in  the  closing  days  of  the  Diaz 
regime  (March,  1911)  "El  Gabinele  del  Do  de 
Pecho",  the  implication  being  that  the  cabinet  was 
destined  to  last  about  as  long  as  one  can  hold  on  to 
high  C,  a  subtlety  which  had  the  prompt  and  com- 
plete triumph  of  a  prophecy. 

The  occupation  of  Mexico  City  by  troops  under 
General  (later  President)  Obregon  in  1915  witnessed 
many  excesses  and  much  suffering,  but  some  wag 
wrote  an  anagram  on  the  name  of  Alvaro  Obregon, 
forming  with  the  letters  the  words  "  Vengo  a  robarlo" 
("I  come  to  rob").  Persons  living  in  Mexico  City 
at  the  time  report  that  this  witticism,  which  cir- 
culated throughout  the  city  with  the  rapidity  of 
a  wireless,  considerably  lessened  the  tension  of  bit- 
ter feeling  engendered  by  the  abuses  of  the  soldiery, 

170 


THE  " EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

which  were  taken  thereafter,  as  one  would  say  in 
Spanish,  entirely  "de  guasa"  (as  a  joke). 

Another  incident  is  indicative  of  the  type  of  this 
grim  humor.  After  the  flight  of  provisional  Presi- 
dent Carbajal  (August  3,  1914),  the  capital  awoke 
one  morning  to  find  written  in  chalk  in  large  letters 
on  the  door  of  the  National  Palace:  "Se  alquila. 
Para  informes,  dirigirse  a  la  Casa  Blanca,  Washing- 
ington,  D.  C.  ("For  rent.  Apply  to  the  White 
House,  Washington,  D.  C."). 

There  is  indeed  true  humor  and  a  great  deal  of  it 
hi  the  Mexicans,  although  it  is  accented  by  but 
little  levity,  and  is  more  often  childlike  and  wan- 
tonly cruel.  An  instance  is  the  ridicule  in  which 
the  schoolmaster  is  held  in  Mexico.  This  great 
public  spirit  is  always  pictured  and  discussed  as  the 
comic  dominie  of  the  Spanish  farce,  an  attitude 
most  distasteful  to  the  teachers,  for  it  is  combined 
with  a  humorous  patronage  which  wonders  "why 
the  poor  fellow  doesn't  become  a  street-car  con- 
ductor so  that  he  may  get  a  living  wage." 

So  common  and  so  unlovely  indeed  is  the  humor 
of  the  lower  classes  that  in  answer  to  a  newspaper's 
question  as  to  "What  is  the  most  pernicious  habit 
of  the  Mexican  people?"  one  correspondent  replied: 

In  my  opinion,  it  is  the  making  of  jokes,  whether  they  fit 
the  case  or  not.  ...  A  law  is  made,  and  the  next  day  a  facetious 
saying  goes  from  mouth  to  mouth;  should  there  be  an  epi- 
demic, instantly  it  receives  a  name  which  awakens  the  hilarity 
of  the  public.  .  .  .  This  custom,  which  is  even  more  general 
among  men  and  women  of  the  lower  classes,  perhaps  shows 
that  the  race  is  not  devoid  of  wit,  but  it  also  means  that  it 

171 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

... 

lacks  seriousness  and  courteousness.  Perpetual  joking  is  a 
symptom  of  incurable  frivolity,  and  there  is  nothing  worse 
than  a  frivolous  people." 

Throughout  the  humor  of  the  Mexican  lower 
classes  runs  a  note  of  blasphemy  and  frivolity 
which  doubtless  suggested  the  protest  quoted  above. 
The  vilest  stories  in  Mexico  are  tied  to  the  saints 
and  priests  of  the  Church,  and  the  appreciation  of 
a  joke  is  greatly  increased  if  it  is  hopelessly  blas- 
phemous. Indeed,  one  who  passes  along  the  streets 
of  the  City  of  Mexico  has  proof  enough  of  this  in 
the  names  given  the  dirty  pulque  shops,  which 
sentimentalists  attribute  to  misguided  religious 
feeling,  but  which  the  Mexican  resident  knows 
were  the  result  of  a  diabolical  humor.  "El  Retiro 
de  Juan  Bautista"  (The  Retreat  of  John  the 
Baptist);  "El  Retiro  de  la  Santa  Virgen"  (The 
Retreat  of  the  Holy  Virgin);  "El  Septimo  Cielo" 
(The  Seventh  Heaven);  "The  Devil's  Triumph "; 
"The  Trail  of  the  Red  Devil";  "The  Embrace  of 
St.  Helen,"  to  go  no  further,  are  proof  enough  of  a 
satanic  humor  which  may  well  be  discussed  sol- 
emnly in  "letters  to  the  newspapers." 

The  perpetual  joking  of  the  Mexican  is  empha- 
sized in  the  upper  classes  as  well  as  in  the  lower, 
and  General  Diaz  himself  was  not  above  a  grim  or 
clever  sally.  One  such  tale  is  worth  repeating  here. 

It  is  no  secret  that  the  revolutionary  movement 
of  November,  1910,  was  nipped  in  the  bud  only  by 
the  prompt  action  of  the  Diaz  forces.  Many 
papers  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  government  agents 
at  the  time,  and  among  them  was  a  carefully 

172 


THE  "EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

worked-out  plan  to  seize  Mexico  City  from  The 
Hill  of  the  Star,  in  a  near-by  suburb.  The  Minister 
of  War  at  the  tune  (General  Gonzalez  Cosio)  one 
day  found  President  Diaz  engaged  in  studying 
these  plans.  To  flatter  his  chief,  General  Gonzalez 
Cosio  said  to  him: 

"Mr.  President,  those  are  not  plans;  they  are 
nothing." 

"No,  they  are  not  plans,"  General  Diaz  replied. 
"If  you  order  a  pair  of  trousers  and  they  are 
promised  for  Saturday  and  you  go  on  Thursday, 
you  will  find  only  two  great  pieces  of  cloth  which 
look  more  like  skirts.  But  if  you  go  on  Saturday 
you  will  see  that  they  will  fit  your  legs  very  well. 
You  are  right.  These  are  not  plans,  because  we 
arrived  on  Thursday." 

In  the  shadowy  field  where  emotion  merges  into 
will  lies  habit,  one  of  the  important  psychological 
elements  of  all  life.  Habit  is  largely  emotional 
in  its  origin  and  looks  to  will  for  its  direction.  In 
the  Mexican  mind,  then,  habit  holds  important 
place,  and  perhaps  the  most  illuminating  explana- 
tion of  the  chaos  of  Mexican  feeling  and  the  un- 
certainties of  Mexican  will  is  the  utter  disturbance 
of  racial  habit  which  was  forced  upon  the  Mexican 
Indian  types  for  the  three  hundred  years  of  Spanish 
domination.  It  seems  safe  to  state  that  in  this 
matter  of  habit-forming  the  Mexicans  have  an 
important  quality  which  gives  real  promise  of  an 
opening  for  advancement,  a  balance  against  the 
vast  weight  of  tradition.  Professor  Wallas  holds 
that  the  habit-forming  trait  varies  tremendously 

173 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

with  race,  quoting  Aristotle,  who  reported  the 
astonishment  of  the  Greeks  (who  had  little  of  the 
trait)  at  the  ability  of  the  " Kelts"  to  become 
accustomed  to  and  indifferent  to  danger.1  He 
goes  on  to  say  that  "it  is  no  mere  accident  that  the 
Great  Society  has  been  developed  with  most  suc- 
cess amongst  the  North  European  races  whose 
powers  of  blind  habituation  excited  the  contempt 
of  the  Greeks." 

Thus  it  may  well  be  that  the  blind  conservatism 
of  the  Mexicans,  while  it  is  to-day  apparently  a 
stumblingblock  to  progress,  has  in  it  the  inertia 
which  will  make  for  advancement  and  great  changes 
in  character  under  proper  direction  and  understand- 
ing education.  Habit,  if  unnatural,  is  easily  upset 
by  crisis  (as  witness  the  present  upheaval  of  Mexi- 
can Me  and  the  rush  back  to  the  lower  phases  of 
Indianism),  owing  to  the  failure  of  education  really 
to  appreciate  and  to  work  with  the  human  elements 
of  education.  But  in  the  new  education  which 
must  come  to  Mexico,  the  work  will  be  along  the 
lines  of  natural  development  of  the  race,  through 
its  own  habits  and  emotions  and  predilections.  The 
vast  changes  to  progress  and  enlightenment  will 
come  surely,  because  they  will  be  along  paths  well 
trod  in  the  race  mind  of  the  centuries  long  before 
the  dream  of  white  domination. 

Until  now,  the  life  of  Mexico  has  been  only  one 
long  history  of  the  grafting  of  foreign  customs  and 
foreign  habits  upon  the  mind  and  soul  of  the  coun- 
try. It  takes  a  far  more  callous  mind  than  seeks, 

1  Graham  Wallas,  "The  Great  Society,"  New  York,  1913,  page  72. 
174 


THE  "EMOTIONAL"  MEXICAN 

in  this  writing,  the  solution  of  Mexico's  problems 
to  see  only  wretched  degeneracy  in  the  present 
Mexican  crisis.  Rather  the  troubles  of  to-day,  like 
the  troubles  of  the  white  man  in  many  other  lands, 
are  the  result  of  his  faulty  systems  of  education 
which  have  tried  to  change  habits  by  wrenching 
them  loose,  when  the  very  strength  of  the  habits 
should  have  been  the  greatest  encouragement  for 
their  adaptation  to  form  new  habits.  Neither  the 
Mexican  of  old  time,  the  Indian  of  to-day  nor  the 
mixed-blood  of  to-day  is  to  be  punished  or  anathema- 
tized. Nor,  more  than  all,  are  the  Spaniard  who  has 
taught  him  and  the  Anglo-Saxon  who  can  teach- 
him  now  to  be  ruled  out  for  their  failure. 

The  crisis  of  Mexico  is  but  part  of  the  crisis  of  our 
civilization,  and  we  have  no  right  to  condemn  either 
the  pupil  who  failed  or  the  teacher  who  has  been 
unsuccessful.  Both  must  try  again  and  learn  anew, 
for  the  white  man  is  still  the  greatest  of  the  world's 
teachers,  and  with  his  new  understanding  and  his 
new  seeking  of  adjustment  instead  of  destruction, 
he  will  carry  the  mixed-blood  and  the  Indian  of 
Mexico  forward  surely — and  indeed  not  slowly — to 
the  formation  of  his  new  civilization. 

Again  the  reference  is  to  the  important  work 
of  Manuel  Gamio,  quoted  above,  and  the  repeti- 
tion of  a  phrase  which  tells  a  truth  vaster  than  the 
truth  about  Mexico  alone:  "We  cannot  Eu- 
ropeanize  the  Indian  at  one  stroke;  we  had  rather 
Indianize  ourselves  a  little  to  assist  in  the  rap- 
prochement." 1 

1  Manuel  Gamio,  "Forjando  Patria,"  Mexico  City,  1916,  page  40. 

175 


CHAPTER  VIII 

WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

THE  fundamental  elements  of  Mexican  decision 
have  come  down  through  tradition  and  racial 
heritage;  they  were  settled  long  before  the  indi- 
vidual wh  o  "  makes ' '  them  was  born .  Bey  on  d  those 
fixed  elements,  however,  the  normal  Mexican  will 
is  the  slave  of  the  intellectual  decisions  as  to  what 
is  worth  while.  Only  under  the  influence  of  intoxi- 
cants, or  abnormality,  does  it  forget  that  beacon  of 
decision  which  rules  in  its  outer  life  as  well  as  in 
the  inner  world  of  emotion. 

Stubborn  against  force,  docile  under  persuasion, 
only  an  appeal  to  the  mind  seems  able  to  move  the 
Mexican  to  his  choices.  And  the  decision  once 
made,  there  is  perhaps  no  people,  certainly  no 
primitive  people,  more  tenacious.  Interest  indeed 
may  lag,  apathy  may  take  control,  and  an  Indian 
who  plants  a  crop  with  care  may  forget  it  before 
the  harvest,  but  as  a  rule,  only  an  appeal  to  the 
conscious  choice  of  the  mind  can  divert  the  will 
from  its  inevitable  road  to  accomplishment. 

On  the  other  hand,  decision  is  usually  astonish- 
ingly prompt,  and  there  is  seldom  any  complaint 
of  a  Mexican's  failure  to  make  up  his  mind.  The 

176 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

Mexican  will  is  far  from  feeble,  and  the  difficulty 
with  it  is  rather  in  the  doggedness  with  which  it 
clings  to  its  choices,  refusing  to  be  pried  loose  from 
them.  Instances  of  astonishing — almost  super- 
human— persistence  are  common.  A  trustworthy 
American  archaeologist  tells  of  an  old  Indian  woman 
in  a  Oaxaca  village  who,  out  of  spite  or  disappoint- 
ment, announced  that  she  was  going  to  die, — and 
die  she  did,  in  three  days.  A  servant  in  an  Amer- 
ican household  in  Mexico  City  had  her  tiny  savings 
stolen  from  her  and,  in  chagrin  and  grief,  took  to 
her  bed  and  died  within  a  week. 

Theoretically,  the  persistence  of  savage  peoples 
is  due  to  the  relatively  minor  importance  of  their 
natural  inhibitions;  once  we  get  beyond  tradition 
and  taboo,  the  primitive  mind  is  usually  easily 
dominated.  But  in  the  Mexican  there  is  a  rela- 
tively unique  factor.  There  are  many  powerful 
inhibitions,  and  yet  they  and  all  else  are  swept 
aside,  once  the  Mexican  considers  that  anything  is 
worth  the  doing,  and  he  has  the  energy,  the  time 
and  the  application  to  achieve  it.  Once  those 
forces  of  decision  have  been  directed  into  one  chan- 
nel, it  takes  more  than  mere  authority  to  turn 
them  to  other  directions.  One  elderly  peon  on  a 
foreign  plantation  whose  duty,  for  years,  had  been 
the  driving  of  burros  loaded  with  water  casks  to 
and  from  the  river,  achieved  himself  an  invention, 
and  no  orders — there  was  no  good  argument  against 
it — could  divert  him.  Instead  of  doing  the  obvious 
thing  and  unloading  the  casks,  filling  them  and 

then  reloading  the  heavy  weights,  he  led  his  tram 

177 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

of  burros,  casks  and  all,  into  the  river  and  waited 
patiently  in  water  up  to  his  neck  until  the  stream 
filled  the  casks  of  its  own  will.  As  the  question  of 
dirt  and  wet  and  time  did  not  enter  into  his  deci- 
sion, he  was  doing  a  thoroughly  intelligent  thing; 
to  him  it  was  worth  while. 

The  direction  of  attention  to  any  end  is,  perforce, 
the  result  of  a  decision  that  the  end  is  worthy,  so 
when  the  peon  decides  that  it  is  desirable  to  accom- 
plish a  minor  theft,  the  details  of  it  will  occupy  his 
entire  intellectual  process  for  days,  no  matter  how 
small  the  guerdon  or  how  great  the  risk;  his  choice 
has  been  made,  and  to  it  he  brings  every  force  at 
his  limited  command. 

Employers  of  Mexican  labor  are  continually  tell- 
ing of  the  tremendous  change  which  comes  over  a 
gang  of  workmen  when  they  are  put  on  a  system  of 
payment  by  which  a  definite  task  is  set  as  a  day's 
work,  and  the  worker  either  sent  home  when  the 
task  is  done,  or  allowed  to  begin  another;  often 
two  "days'  work"  is  done  in  a  single  shift  of  ten 
to  twelve  hours.  Again,  here  is  something  worth 
while,  something  the  peons  can  comprehend  and 
from  the  comprehension  direct  then-  wills  to  accom- 
plishing. 

The  decisions  which  make  such  actions  as  this 
possible  are  achieved  against  the  inertia  of  the 
greatest  of  all  Mexican  inhibitions,  apathy.  Native 
it  seems  to  be,  just  as  tradition  and  fatalism,  the 
other  two  great  inhibitory  elements,  undoubtedly 
are.  But  there  are  two  direct  causes  of  Mexican 
apathy.  Only  one  can  be  blamed  on  inheritance. 

178 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

The  lack  of  vigor,  due  to  climate,  undernourish- 
ment and  the  abuse  of  stimulants,  has  combined 
with  the  fatalism  induced  by  long  oppression  and 
long  freedom  from  any  important  choice  to  shut 
out  almost  every  spur  to  achievement.  Thus, 
in  the  minds  of  millions  of  Mexicans  to-day  there 
is  no  connection  between  the  good  things  of  life 
and  the  effort  which  has  to  be  put  forward  to 
obtain  them.  They  have  actually  never  been  taught 
that  industry  is  profitable.  The  centuries  of 
virtual  slavery,  the  ancient  customs  of  giving 
food  and  housing  as  part  of  the  wage  and  selling 
everything  else  on  credit  at  the  hacienda  or  mine 
store,  drove  into  their  simple  minds  the  convic- 
tion that  the  pleasures  of  life  came  at  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  employer  or  of  the  Spanish  clerk 
at  the  store. 

Here  again  we  go  back  to  the  false  valuations  of 
the  ways  of  life,  even  of  what  is  worth  while,  to  the 
weight  of  the  peon's  fatalism,  to  the  slavery  that 
first  taught  him  that  he  need  not  actually  work  to 
live  and  that  if  he  worked  too  hard  he  gained 
nothing  for  his  pains.  "  Patience  and  shuffle  the 
cards"  is  the  maxim  of  all  Mexicans  who  find  the 
tide  of  affairs  going  against  them.  There  is  noth- 
ing to  do  but  to  go  ahead,  and  nothing  is  gained 
by  going  too  fast.  "Quien  sabe?"  is  an  entire 
philosophy,  for  this  phrase  means  far  more  than  a 
mere  question  of  "Who  knows?"  Rather,  it  says 
that  nothing  matters,  for  what  will  be,  will  be, 
despite  all  human  endeavor. 

Beyond  such  fatalism,  however,  there  is  another 

179 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

deep  cause  for  the  Mexican  apathy  which  to-day 
still  blocks  the  Mexican  will  in  its  higher  manifes- 
tations. This  is  the  deficiency  in  education  in  the 
responsibilities  and  opportunities  of  life,  the  failure 
to  replace  Indian  tradition  and  its  stubborn  clinging 
to  old  standards  by  a  deep  national  realization  of 
the  vital  connection  between  the  thing  achieved  and 
the  effort  expended.  The  desire  to  "get  things 
done"  which  spurs  the  Anglo-Saxon  is  missing, 
and  the  Mexicans,  from  peon  to  professional  man, 
conduct  their  affairs  according  to  their  own  con- 
ception of  the  maxim  of  Marcus  Aurelius, — that 
one  should  live  as  though  one  were  to  die  to-morrow, 
and  work  as  though  one  were  going  to  live  a 
thousand  years. 

The  educational  problem  of  which  apathy  is  the 
index  is  to  reach  the  Mexican's  conceptions  of 
what  is  worth  the  doing  and  to  inspire  him  to  a 
higher  usefulness  thoroughly  compatible  with  such 
powers  of  intellect  as  he  is  endowed  with.  This 
chance  has  never  been  given  him  in  all  Mexican 
history.  Matias  Romero,  long  Mexican  minister 
to  Washington,  wrote  of  the  Colonial  period:  "The 
Spaniards  did  not  educate  the  peons  or  attempt  to 
elevate  them;  neither  did  they  try  to  elevate  them- 
selves. The  whole  of  Mexico  was  plunged  into 
apathy,  but  it  was  an  apathy  of  supreme  indiffer- 
ence, not  of  despair." 

The  phases  of  self-control  and  indulgence  link 
the  question  of  apathy  to  the  domination  of  intellect 
in  the  choice  of  will.  In  the  cradle  Mexican  babies 
are  famously  "good",  and  in  battle  Mexican  soldiers 

180 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

die  with  utter  calm, — here  are  factors  of  "self- 
control"  which  are  surely  manifestations  of  the 
" apathy  of  supreme  indifference."  But  in  the 
adult,  and  particularly  the  more  or  less  intelligent 
adult,  the  appearance  of  lack  of  control  is  the  very 
antithesis  of  indulgence,  or  else  only  superficial. 
Anyone  who  knows  Mexicans  has  seen  the  flush 
of  anger  come  into  the  face  and  fade  away  to  an 
almost  Oriental  repression  unless,  indeed,  the  ex- 
pression of  the  anger  seemed  worth  while.  Only 
under  the  influence  of  intoxicants  or  narcotics, 
or  after  the  passions  have  been  deliberately  aroused, 
is  the  Mexican  really  uncontrolled.  The  famous 
cholers  of  anger  which  are  spoken  of  in  solemn 
awe  by  those  who  have  witnessed  the  exhibition 
are  as  noted  above  usually  indulged  in  only  in  the 
presence  of  an  appreciative  audience.  The  Mexican 
philosophy  does  not  place  a  very  high  valuation 
on  the  control  of  what  he  calls  natural  impulses, 
but  if  he  gives  them  sway,  for  instance  in  a  deed  of 
violence,  it  can  be  taken  for  granted  that  he  has 
convinced  himself,  by  whatever  process  he  may 
have  used,  that  the  thing  was  worth  the  doing  and 
worth  the  risk. 

So  it  is  with  the  less  vital  inhibitions  of  modesty, 
pride,  honor,  etc.,  and  with  the  control  of  those 
forces  of  emotion  which  tend  ever  to  stampede  the 
will  just  as  the  inhibitions  tend  ever  to  check  it. 
All  seem  to  fall  ultimately  under  the  control  of  the 
intellectual  decisions  which  make  the  great  choices 
in  all  men,  but  in  peculiar  fashion  dominate  the 
choices  of  the  Mexican. 

181 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

The  science  of  psychology1  finds  that  there  are 
five  types  of  normal  decision  in  the  human  mind: 
first  the  reasonable,  in  which  we  shift  and  rearrange 
the  elements  of  the  situation  until  we  find  a  satisfy- 
ing action  which  squares  with  the  various  precepts 
of  our  life  and  with  our  belief  in  the  needs  of  the 
situation;  second,  a  drifting  decision,  determined 
by  the  circumstances  surrounding  both  ourselves 
and  the  situation  which  we  consider, — a  decision 
usually  made  before  all  the  evidence  is  considered; 
third,  the  sudden  choice  from  within,  due  to  intui- 
tion, emotion  or  faith,  of  "forward  though  the 
heavens  fall",  as  James  puts  it;  fourth,  the  deci- 
sion that  comes  from  a  sudden  change  of  heart,  the 
result  of  sudden  experiences  or  intuition,  which 
takes  on  the  importance  of  a  change  in  our  char- 
acter, almost;  fifth,  the  feeling  that  the  evidence 
is  all  in,  the  careful  balancing  of  all  the  elements 
and  the  final  decision  by  a  "heave  of  the  will." 
The  first  four  decisions  reject  utterly  the  alternative 
choice,  but  the  fifth  does  not  forget;  it  knows  the 
loss  that  has  been  suffered  in  the  elimination  of  the 
alternative  choice. 

It  is  seldom,  if  ever,  that  the  Mexican  mind 
makes  its  decisions  in  the  first  and  fifth  ways;  the 
slow  process  of  reasoning  almost  never  occupies 
the  Latin-American  mind.  Most  of  his  relatively 
few  normal  decisions  are  the  result  of  his  drifting 
choice  of  ends  that  square  with  his  ideas  of  what  is 
worth  doing, — the  second  type  of  choice.  The 

lCf.  William  James,  "Principles  of  Psychology,"  New  York, 
1913,  pages  531  et  seq. 

182 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

drift  to  a  decision  may,  in  the  Mexican,  also  be  a 
drift  to  apathy  and  indecision  and  save  under 
emotional  or  alcoholic  stress,  the  third  form  of 
choice,  to  go  forward  in  spite  of  everything,  never 
appears  upon  his  horizon.  The  " change  of  heart" 
form  of  decision  is  also  rare,  in  the  form  of  an 
inward  change  of  character,  but  when  shaped  by 
exterior  events,  it  is  often  the  method  of  deciding 
the  most  momentous  issues,  the  result  of  that  sus- 
tained pressure  from  without  which  is  utterly 
maddening  to  minds  of  the  Mexican  type. 

Thus  he  who  would  obtain  from  the  Mexican  a 
decision  prompt  and  satisfying  appeals  above  all 
things  to  the  mental  process.  Squaring  a  situation 
with  the  known  facts  of  Mexican  tradition,  with  the 
moral  standards,  with  the  selfish  wishes,  with  the 
prejudices  which  may  take  the  form  of  apathy  and 
with  those  overwhelming  values  which  the  Mexican 
so  astonishingly  puts  upon  such  abstractions  as 
dignity  and  his  own  peculiar  code  of  honor, — the 
taking  of  such  pains  assures  a  prompt  and  almost 
unconscious  decision  in  the  Mexican.  But  may 
the  gods  help  him  who  would  force  the  healthy 
Mexican  mind  to  a  decision  which  fails  to  square 
with  that  tremendous  force  of  tradition  which 
dominates  its  every  act,  or  (in  the  upper  classes) 
with  those  peculiar  adaptations  of  European  cul- 
ture which  have  been  worked  into  the  intellectual 
heritage  of  the  land. 

But  the  Mexican  will  is  not  always  the  healthy, 
dependable  sort  of  mental  process  just  described. 

Too  often  the  values  are  distorted  and  the  vision 

183 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

deflected,  and  more  often  still  action  follows  the 
suggestion  with  a  rapidity  which  is  understandable 
in  the  unschooled  mind  but  which  is  nevertheless 
far  from  reassuring.  Very  often  there  is  that  form 
of  decision  called  the  " obstructed  will",  when  but 
the  one  idea,  the  traditional  idea  usually,  gets  on  the 
track  and  cannot  be  diverted  by  any  power  under 
the  skies,  neither  argument,  the  offer  of  other  in- 
ducements nor  force  itself.  Indeed,  the  dominance 
of  tradition  and  custom  in  the  Mexican  mind  often 
takes  on  the  form  of  the  true  obstructed  will  in 
other  types  of  mentality. 

Amongst  the  other  types  of  will,  what  Professor 
James  calls  the  " explosive  will"  is  found  in  that 
type  of  the  Mexican  mind  which  differs  from  the 
apathetic  norm.  Here  is  the  daredevil,  the  "mer- 
curic temperament",  where  inhibition  is  lost  or  was 
never  heard  of.  And  here  is  to  be  found  the  break 
in  understanding  of  the  minds  of  Latin  and  Saxon, — 
for  this  type  of  will  comes  from  the  Spanish  side 
and  not  from  the  stolid,  suspicious  Indian.  James 
explains  it,  "  Monkeys  these  seem  to  us,  whilst  we 
seem  to  them  reptilian."  This  type  of  decision 
then,  seems  to  indicate  a  differing  process  of 
thought,  a  different  mode  of  reaching  a  con- 
clusion, but  in  this  Professor  James,  in  one  of 
his  illuminating  generalities,  gives  us  a  clue  to 
the  better  understanding  of  the  Mexican,  for  he 
says: 

It  is  the  absence  of  scruples,  of  consequences,  of  considera- 
tions, the  extraordinary  simplification  of  each  moment's  out- 
look, that  gives  the  explosive  will  its  motor  energy  and  ease; 

184 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

it  need  not  be  the  greater  intensity  of  his  passions,  motives,  or 
thoughts.1 

The  simplification  of  outlook,  the  elimination  of 
scruples  and  consequences, — these  clarify  and  mark 
the  Mexican  mind  when  it  achieves  that  choice 
which  is  called  the  "  explosive  will." 

Will  is  in  its  last  analysis  the  link  between  the 
mind  and  the  realization  of  the  ideas  of  the  mind, 
and  the  basis  of  our  study  of  the  Mexican  will  is 
therefore  the  concrete  phases  of  its  manifestations. 
Is  it  pleasure,  or  the  thought  of  discomfort  which 
motivates  the  Mexican's  choices?  Is  it  a  strong 
moral  sense,  a  belief  in  some  tremendous  right  and 
wrong,  which  colors  those  choices?  Or  is  it  that 
the  Mexican  mind-process  is  consciously  directed 
to  shutting  out  the  inhibition  of  high  moral  purpose, 
so  that  sloth  and  passion  may  have  their  way? 
Those  are  questions  which  we  must  now  seek  to 
answer,  but  this  we  do  know, — that  the  actuating 
force,  if  not  the  force  which  originated  the  impulse, 
is  the  effort  of  attention,  the  direction  of  the  in- 
terest which  goes  back  through  all  the  countless 
generations  of  racial  development. 

We  can  no  more  control  or  reshape  the  primary 
qualities  of  that  interest  than  we  can  change  the 
color  of  our  skin,  and  only  through  long  education 
(which  the  Mexicans  as  a  people  have  never  had) 
can  it  be  turned  ever  so  slightly  from  its  momentous 
course.  It  is  upon  the  strength  of  the  idea  thus 
directed,  upon  the  momentum  which  it  brings  to 
the  mind,  that  virtually  every  human  decision  rests. 

1  James,  op  cit.,  page  538. 

185 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Thus  the  discovery,  the  unraveling  of  the  skeins 
of  Mexican  desires,  of  Mexican  psychological  values, 
holds  out  the  greater  promise  of  understanding  than 
any  abstract  analysis, — no  matter  how  important 
that  analysis  may  have  been  as  the  basis  for  our 
understanding. 

The  minds  of  men  differ  far  more  in  their  decisions 
(of  what  is  worth  while)  than  in  the  mere  processes 
of  their  thoughts.  The  things  we  value  are  the  re- 
sults and  the  finger-posts  of  our  race,  traditions  and 
environment.  It  is  in  the  appreciation  of  the  values 
that  the  Mexican  puts  upon  life  and  its  accom- 
paniments that  we  fail  most  in  understanding  him. 

Even  Mexicans  progressed  beyond  the  limita- 
tions of  their  race  fall  down  continually  in  their 
estimates  of  the  psychology  of  the  masses  of  their 
own  people.  They  urge  a  study  of  the  thought 
processes  of  the  Indian  at  the  same  time  that  they 
endeavor  to  crowd  his  desires  into  models  built  for 
him  by  the  Spanish  conquerors.  They  speak  of 
the  need  of  "  creating  an  indigenous  soul",  while 
they  refuse  to  consider  the  fundamental  facts  of 
things  desired  which  are  the  truest  index  of  that 
soul. 

The  apparent  inconsistencies  in  Mexican  psy- 
chology are  always  to  be  explained  primarily  by  the 
difference  in  and  the  struggle  between  the  two  races 
and  cultures  which  have  so  long  endeavored  to 
merge  themselves  there.  In  preceding  chapters  we 
have  found  these  differences  and  confusions  of  race 
and  class  inheritance,  of  environment  and  tradi- 
tions, and  noted  their  coloring  of  Mexican  life  and 

186 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

their  determining  of  the  methods  of  thought  of  the 
Mexican  mind  to-day. 

Here  we  seek  to  find  the  significant  expressions 
of  that  mind,  to  set  apart  the  desires  whose  realiza- 
tion it  seeks.  First,  of  course,  are  the  creature  com- 
forts. The  wants  of  the  Mexican  are  comparatively 
few  as  compared  with  those  of  persons  of  his  class 
in  other  lands.  The  peon's  food  is  limited  and  cheap, 
but  because  he  lives  so  near  the  line  of  pauperism, 
its*need  is  a  tremendous  force  in  his  life.  His  desire 
is  less  intense  for  shelter,  for  that  is  easily  satisfied, 
because  there  is  no  severely  cold  weather,  and  no 
great  protection  is  required,  but  taking  the  ques- 
tion of  food  and  shelter  as  one,  we  find  them  most 
definite  determinants  of  Mexican  conditions.  When 
food  gives  out,  the  peon  of  the  present  revolutionary 
era  promptly  takes  a  rifle  on  his  shoulder  to  go 
out  to  war  and  plunder.  This  is  partially  due  to 
political  conditions  which  make  readjustment  diffi- 
cult, but  it  also  is  indicative  of  the  utter  primacy  of 
food.  The  American  or  English  workman  or  farmer, 
with  his  job  gone  or  crop  a  failure,  will  go  out  to 
seek  new  work,  because  to  him  there  are  higher 
needs  than  food  alone,  but  the  Mexican  becomes 
a  bandit  almost  immediately  upon  the  loss  of  his 
means  of  sustenance,  without  looking  further, — 
provided,  of  course,  that  conditions  of  banditry 
exist.  Moreover,  he  is  very  likely  to  join  the  very 
bandit  leader  who  ruined  him,  for  that  bandit  he 
knows  is  successful.  This  attitude  is  distinctly  that 
of  the  untrained  individual  and  the  backward  civili- 
zation, for  the  almost  mad  search  for  food  is  com- 

187 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

parable  only  to  the  savage  or  the  beast.  As  a 
Mexican,  Maqueo  Castellanos,  has  put  it,  "Order 
depends  more  on  whether  there  is  corn  than  on 
whether  there  is  authority.  He  who  has  nothing  to 
defend  and  is  hungry  develops  into  a  mercenary  for 
any  cause,  at  any  moment.  This  is  the  idea  which 
he  holds  more  strongly  and  concretely  than  the  idea 
of  patriotism — the  idea  of  self-preservation  at  all 
costs.  Ajid,"  he  adds,  "he  is  right." 

Sex  is  the  second  great  demand  in  the  Mexican 
mind.  Its  practical  and  psychological  phases  are 
many,  but  whether  we  regard  it  as  emotion,  as  a 
product  of  physical  need  or  of  intellectual  contem- 
plation, it  is,  as  with  all  primitive  peoples,  the 
overwhelming  call  next  to  food.  Although  the  social 
organization  of  Mexico  does  not  make  its  gratifica- 
tion difficult,  it  is  perhaps  due  to  this  very  psycho- 
logical need  that  conditions  and  the  social  system 
have  shaped  themselves  as  they  have.  There  is  an 
absence  of  love  in  marriage  and  indeed  of  any  deep 
sentiment  in  connection  with  sex,  for  there  is  prob- 
ably very  little,  if  any,  connection  between  sex  and 
love  in  the  Mexican  mind,  speaking  of  the  people 
as  a  whole. 

There  is,  however,  a  very  definite  love  of  home 
itself  in  the  Mexican  which  may  also  be  considered 
a  true  psychological  desire.  Aside  from  the  pride 
which  the  Mexican  takes  in  his  household  and  par- 
ticularly in  his  children,  aside  from  the  recognition 
he  receives  as  a  substantial  citizen  hi  being  the 
father  of  a  large  family,  the  love  of  home  is  also 
bound  up  with  a  devotion  to  the  place  itself. 

188 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

Moreover,  the  home  life  of  Mexico  is  very  beautiful 
in  many  ways.  Wives  are  devoted  and  often  are 
excellent  mothers,  so  that  home  ties  are  deeper 
than  is  understood  by  most  observers  who  have 
not  been  long  residents  of  Mexico  or  who  have  not 
had  the  good  fortune  to  live  close  to  genuine  Mexi- 
can homes.  The  peons  and  Indians  live  a  largely 
savage  life,  but  as  the  scale  rises,  a  home  life  of 
patriarchal  and  even  sentimental  beauty  takes  its 
place  and  receives,  as  it  deserves,  a  definite  recog- 
nition among  psychological  needs. 

The  gratification  of  the  " natural  impulses"  (of 
which  sex  is  the  greatest)  is  prized  above  honor 
and  wealth  by  most  Mexicans.  The  intellectual 
factors  in  Mexican  emotion,  the  devotion  of  most 
of  Mexican  thought  to  sensation  and  the  creation  of 
sensation-impulses,  are  but  evidences  of  this  great 
psychological  "  value."  Those  who  have  watched 
the  Mexican  army  during  the  past  years  of  turmoil 
have  had  a  picture,  which  will  go  with  them  through 
life,  of  the  depths  to  which  human  sensuality  can 
fall.  These  years  of  revolution  have  given  the  Mexi- 
cans the  impression  that  the  possession  of  a  rifle 
or  a  revolver  carries  with  it  the  right  to  take  any- 
thing that  may  be  desired,  whether  it  be  food  and 
drink,  comforts,  or  the  bodies  of  women  for  their 
pleasure.  The  revolutionary  armies  (on  both  sides) 
are  made  up  largely  of  boys  of  sixteen  or  thereabouts 
and  of  men  past  fifty, — the  other  men  are  at  work 
in  the  fields  or  in  the  factories  and  mines.  The  men 
of  fifty  (who  are  old  men  in  Mexico)  are  in  the  army 
for  their  peso  a  day,  but  the  boys  are  there,  not  only 

189 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

for  the  living  that  is  in  it,  but  for  the  opportunity 
which  is  given  them  for  the  utterly  unbridled  satis- 
faction of  their  lusts  and  passions, — for  the  privilege 
of  assassination  and  for  the  privilege  of  giving  the 
sex-urge  untrammeled  sway. 

This  shades  into  the  love  of  what  the  Mexican 
peon  calls  " liberty",  that  is,  the  license  to  do  what 
he  will  and  act  as  he  chooses.  This  is  a  desire  which 
exists  close  to  the  animal  plane  and  is  comparable 
in  no  manner  to  the  abstract  "liberty"  which  has 
been  the  rallying  cry  of  all  normal  men  since  the 
world  began.  In  Mexico  liberty  is  not  a  "national 
ideal"  but  a  personal  desire — license — and  can 
never  be  justly  placed  in  any  other  category.  The 
revolutions  against  Spain  were,  as  has  been  pointed 
out,  originally  Indian  uprisings,  and  so  far  as  "lib- 
erty and  equality"  were  concerned,  these  were  either 
the  enunciations  of  the  native-born  whites  (who,  after 
ten  years,  took  the  revolution  into  their  own  hands), 
or  else  the  license  which  "liberty  and  equality" 
alone  means  to  the  lower  types  of  Mexicans. 

The  love  of  adornment  is  certainly  to  be  grouped 
with  Mexican  psychological  values.  The  Mexican 
pride  in  his  hat  is  proverbial,  and  it  would  not  be 
difficult  of  understanding  save  for  the  fact  that  he 
has  so  little  pride  in  any  other  portion  of  his  cos- 
tume. Hats  from  ten  pesos  to  one  hundred  pesos 
used  to  be  the  commonplace  of  the  middle-class 
Mexican,  and  the  peon  who  could  possess  even  a 
straw  hat  with  peaked  crown  and  rolling  brim 
adorned  with  tinsel  immediately  took  a  higher 

position  with  his  fellows. 

190 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

Pride,  honor  and  dignity  are  deep  sources  of 
desire.  Self-respect  in  Mexico  demands  recognition 
and  so  is  very  liable  to  receive  it.  Honors  and 
position  are  likely  to  be  displayed,  yet  without  any 
more  self-consciousness  than  would  appear  in  the 
sometimes  false  modesty  of  the  Anglo-Saxon. 
Pride  of  position  has  always  been  ground  in,  and 
its  recent  manifestations  in  the  new  ruling  classes 
are  as  much  atavistic  as  they  are  imitative.  Even 
the  prejudice  against  physical  labor  has  a  partial 
origin  in  this  inherited  pride  and  inherited  recogni- 
tion of  class  distinctions. 

Class  pride,  indeed,  is  no  mere  word  in  the 
Mexican  vocabulary.  Class  and  caste  persist 
through  poverty  and  disgrace,  and  the  story  is  told 
of  an  indigent  Mexican  father  who  refused  to  let 
his  son  earn  an  education  by  sweeping  the  school 
floors,  because,  he  said,  he  did  not  send  his  son 
"to  be  taught  to  be  a  house  servant."  A  similar 
instance  of  class  pride  touches  on  the  story  of  a 
Mexican  who,  working  as  a  clerk  for  two  hundred 
pesos  a  month,  received  a  legacy  which  would 
bring  him  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  pesos  a 
month.  He  resigned  his  position  at  once,  and 
when  his  employer  protested,  explained  that  he 
" would  lose  all  standing  with  people"  if  he  worked 
after  he  had  received  a  legacy. 

No  gentleman  will  ever  carry  a  package  on  the 
street,  and  servants  often  feel  the  pride  of  position 
as  much  as  their  masters.  One  case  in  point  was 
that  of  a  peon  who  was  employed  in  the  very  lowly 
position  of  portero  or  concierge  in  the  house  of  a 

191 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Mexican  gentleman  of  ancient  family.  This  por- 
tero,  sent  to  purchase  two  lamp  chimneys,  returned 
in  the  course  of  an  hour,  marching  grandly  before 
a  cargador  or  public  porter,  the  latter  bearing  aloft, 
one  in  each  hand,  the  two  lamp  chimneys.  Even 
a  cook  in  a  respectable  family  will  hire  a  cargadw 
to  transport  her  day's  purchases  home  from  the 
market  place. 

The  preference  of  the  Mexican  youth  for  those 
callings  in  life  which  permit  him  to  wear  handsome 
clothes  and  do  not  require  that  he  soil  his  hands  is 
a  trait  which  differs  definitely  from  that  of  the 
youths  of  other  lands  who  apparently  display  the 
same  attributes.  In  general,  Mexican  youths 
desire  not  to  meet  the  conditions  of  life  as  English 
or  American  boys  do,  but  want  to  be  physicians, 
poets,  lawyers  or  bishops.  It  is  perhaps  unprac- 
tical education  which  is  responsible,  but  the  choice 
of  this  form  of  education  goes  deep  into  the  psy- 
chology of  the  people  themselves.  The  outward 
form  has  a  tremendous  significance  to  the  Mexican, 
and  the  fact  that  he  spends  an  overwhelmingly 
large  portion  of  his  income  on  equipage  is  sufficient 
proof  of  this.  The  Mexican  family  gives  up  every- 
thing in  time  of  poverty,  down  to  the  furniture 
from  the  house,  and  discharges  most  of  the  servants, 
before  it  gives  up  its  carriage  or  automobile.  In 
the  days  of  Diaz  a  glistening  victoria  with  beautiful 
horses  was  a  sign  of  position  and  honor,  and  this 
was  retained  to  the  last.  Even  after  the  family, 
forced  by  poverty,  left  the  capital  to  live  on  the 
hacienda,  the  horse  and  carriage  with  the  faithful 

192 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

coachman  were  rented  out  by  the  day  from  a 
livery  stable  or  took  a  place  on  the  street  for  hire 
to  any  tourist,  but  were  never  sold. 

Mexican  writers  inveigh  against  the  so-called 
"  vanity "  of  the  middle  class  who  endeavor  to 
push  themselves  forward  and  lay  claim  to  positions, 
social  and  business,  above  their  normal  standing. 
Here  we  touch  upon  the  highly  developed  sense  of 
personal  dignity  which  characterizes  the  Mexican 
of  every  class.  Among  the  peons,  and  almost  in 
inverse  ratio  to  their  real  worth,  this  takes  the  form 
of  a  false  pride  and  an  exaggerated  idea  of  their 
own  importance,  which  they  assert  (especially  in 
their  cups)  with  loud  praise  of  the  personal  traits 
they  have  inherited  from  Indian  ancestry.  In  the 
case  of  the  middle  class  this  amour  propre  takes  on 
a  form  of  excessive  self-respect  and  self-esteem, 
with  a  defensive  sensitiveness  which  the  foreigner 
almost  continually  offends.  Finally  in  the  upper 
and  really  intelligent  classes  it  becomes  a  true 
personal  dignity  and  takes  on  the  aspect  of  a  high 
appreciation  of  position  and  responsibility. 

A  most  typical  story  is  told  of  a  peon  miner  who 
entered  a  store  kept  by  a  Spaniard  and  asked  for 
velvet.  As  he  was  dressed  in  the  poorest  sort  of 
raiment  the  proprietor,  with  considerable  sarcasm, 
asked  him  what  he  wanted  to  do  with  it,  as  there 
was  none  of  a  quality  sufficiently  cheap  for  him. 
The  miner  asked  the  price  of  the  best  and  was  told 
sneeringly  that  it  was  fifteen  pesos  a  yard.  He 
drew  out  a  well-filled  wallet,  threw  down  thirty 
pesos,  took  the  two  yards  of  velvet  and  told  the 

193 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

storekeeper  that  such  cloth  was  fit  only  for  his 
burro  and  that  he  himself  would  not  use  it.  He 
then  took  the  velvet,  put  it  on  his  burro  and  there- 
after used  it  as  a  saddle  blanket  for  the  animal. 

You  cannot  but  feel  a  genuine  affection  for  some 
of  these  childish  outbursts  and  not  a  little  admira- 
tion for  the  persistence  of  a  mind  which  will  carry 
through  to  such  lengths.  The  pity  of  it  is  that  the 
persistence  is  not  turned  in  directions  which  are 
more  profitable;  it  is  such  negative  standards  as 
these  which  are  most  often  clung  to  with  bulldog 
tenacity. 

That  tenacity  to  the  rights  of  dignity  must  be 
accepted  literally  if  one  would  work  successfully 
with  the  Mexicans  as  they  are.  One  successful 
American  manager  in  the  oil  fields  put  it  thus: 

"You  can  handle  any  Mexican,  even  though  he 
is  paid  like  a  peon,  if  you  treat  him  like  a  gentle- 
man. So  I  am  always  courteous  to  Mexicans  of 
every  grade,  while  I  curse  and  roar  at  the  Americans, 
and  get  better  work  out  of  them  as  a  result.  I 
reverse  the  process  with  the  two  types  of  employees : 
treat  the  American  like  a  peon  and  pay  him  like  a 
gentleman,  and  treat  the  Mexican  like  a  gentleman 
and  pay  him  like  a  peon." 

Not  all  will  agree  on  the  wisdom  of  this  manager's 
methods  with  his  foreign  employees,  but  his  rule 
as  it  applies  to  Mexicans  is  significant  in  its  success. 
The  dignity  and  "  sensitiveness "  which  are  at  its 
root  take  varying  forms  in  Mexico.  It  is  a  fact 
that  the  expulsion  of  the  American  Red  Cross  from 
Mexico  during  the  Carranza  revolution  was  solely 

194 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

because  the  organization's  reports  of  conditions  had 
offended  the  dignity  of  the  Mexican  nation,  not 
because  its  services  were  not  needed.  A  proverb 
expresses  the  native  conception  of  the  national 
dignity,  "A  Mexican  is  a  man,  but  above  all,  he 
is  a  Mexican." 

This  Mexican  honor,  pride  and  sensitiveness,  so 
much  discussed,  are  indeed  very  real  psychological 
desires,  even  if,  as  a  none  too  appreciative  American 
business  man  put  it,  "a  Mexican  uses  his  sensitive- 
ness as  a  polecat  uses  his  defensive  faculties." 
The  average  Mexican,  in  private  as  well  as  in 
official  life,  sets  great  store  upon  his  pride  and 
sensitiveness,  and  even  though  we  may  consider 
them  mostly  the  vaporings  of  an  empty  mind  or  the 
self-assertion  of  a  conscious  inferior,  they  and  all 
their  related  manifestations  remain,  definitely, 
among  those  choices  which  determine  the  action 
of  will. 

Mexican  honor  as  such  is  likely  to  strike  the 
foreigner,  especially  the  foreigner  of  Anglo-Saxon 
blood  and  training,  as  somewhat  peculiar.  As  we 
have  seen,  it  is  more  than  likely  to  take  the  form 
of  a  greater  concentration  on  the  appearance  of 
cleverness  and  ability  to  get  the  better  of  an 
opponent  by  foul  means  as  well  as  fair — that  is  on 
prestige — than  on  the  maintenance  of  one's  own 
self-respect.  It  is  peculiarly  the  characteristic  of 
the  Mexican  of  almost  any  class  that  you  can  call 
him  every  name  in  his  long  vocabulary  of  epithets, 
can  accuse  him  of  theft,  arson  and  murder  without 

arousing  his  very  deep  resentment — provided  al- 

195 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

ways  that  the  conversation  is  between  "man  and 
man",  that  there  is  no  outside  person  present. 
But  let  the  least  of  these  epithets  or  the  mildest  of 
these  accusations  be  made  in  the  presence  of  a 
third  party,  and  insult  and  deep  dishonor  have 
been  thrust  upon  an  innocent  and  outraged  victim. 

Truth  as  a  factor  in  honor  is  hardly  given  the 
importance  which  peoples  of  other  races  and  train- 
ing place  upon  it.  As  has  been  noted  on  earlier 
pages,  the  lie  is  not  only  a  recognized  factor  of 
Mexican  temperament  and  indeed  of  all  Mexican 
lif  e,  but  lying  itself  is  not  regarded  as  in  the  slightest 
sense  a  betrayal  of  one's  personal  honor. 

The  Mexican  code  of  honor  puts  the  highest 
valuation  upon  grace  and  charm  rather  than  upon 
truth.  To  a  Mexican  truth  is  very  likely  to  be 
disagreeable  and  is  therefore  objectionable,  while 
grace  and  understanding  are  conveyed  by  the 
Spanish  word  simpatico  (which  will  be  understood 
by  its  correlation  to  the  French  word  of  similar 
form).  It  is  this  high  estimate  of  charm  and  grace 
of  manner,  and  kindliness  of  thought  and  action, 
which  characterizes  more  than  any  single  thing 
the  Mexican  idea  of  those  social  virtues  which  are 
worth  while. 

Mexican  politeness  is  intimately  associated  with 
this  appreciation  of  charm  and  grace.  The  Mexi- 
can thinks  first  of  the  immediate  personal  impres- 
sion on  his  friend  or  the  person  to  whom  he  wishes 
to  be  courteous.  He  will,  from  the  best  intentions 
in  the  world,  cheerily  inform  him  that  the  journey 
he  must  take  will  not  occupy  over  an  hour,  although 

196 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

he  knows  from  personal  experience  that  it  will 
take  three,  because  he  does  not  wish  to  be  the 
giver  of  bad  news.  But  he  is  thoroughly  frank 
about  it  all,  although  the  difference  between  his 
actual  feelings  and  the  politeness  of  his  courtesy 
is  often  very  great.  One  of  the  most  illuminat- 
ing examples  of  this  was  unconsciously  furnished  by 
one  of  the  old  Creole  aristocrats  of  Mexico  during 
the  occupation  of  Vera  Cruz  by  the  American 
forces  in  1914. 

A  close  friend  of  his,  an  American  lawyer,  was 
offered  the  post  of  civil  governor  of  the  port  under 
the  occupation,  a  position  which  to  those  who  over- 
looked the  emphasis  on  national  dignity  in  the 
Mexican  mind  might  have  seemed  one  from  which 
the  holder  might  exercise  an  authority  which 
would  be  of  great  benefit  to  Mexicans  and  to  his 
own  standing  with  them.  Hearing  that  his  Ameri- 
can friend  had  accepted  the  appointment,  this 
Mexican  gentleman  offered  his  congratulations 
most  sincerely  when  he  accidentally  met  him.  But 
the  American  had  declined  the  honor,  and  when 
he  told  the  Mexican,  the  latter  grasped  both  his 
hands,  and  cried: 

"Then  I  do  congratulate  you!" 

The  Mexican  is  extremely  susceptible  to  praise, 
and  this  good  coin  of  appreciation  is  perhaps  purer 
gold  in  Mexico  than  in  any  other  spot  in  the  world. 
Sincere  appreciation  breaks  down  every  wall  and 
surmounts  every  enmity,  but  the  foreigner  who 
attempts  it  must  be  sure  in  his  own  heart  that  he 

means  what  he  says,  else  woe  betide  him  in  his 

197 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

attempts  at  flattery.  The  Mexican's  apparent 
flattery  is  a  form  of  politeness,  but  the  Mexican 
knows  when  to  accept  it  as  politeness  with  the 
valuation  which  politeness  receives  in  Mexico  and 
when  to  accept  it  as  a  true  expression  of  personal 
esteem  and  appreciation.  This,  the  foreigner  is 
not  likely  to  be  able  to  do,  so  that  in  his  choice 
of  words  and  of  phrases  he  does  well  to  know 
that  he  means  exactly  what  he  tells  the  Mexican 
in  his  friendship. 

Prestige  on  an  intellectual  plane  has  its  decided 
place  in  the  list  of  Mexican  values.  The  Mexican 
desires  prestige  and  knowledge  as  he  desires  many 
other  pleasant  things  in  life,  but  when  he  comes  to 
weigh  that  prestige  against  the  effort  which  would 
be  required  to  achieve  it,  he  is  very  likely  to  find 
that  the  effort  is  more  than  the  prestige  is  worth. 
This  psychological  attitude  toward  education  has  a 
most  important  bearing  on  the  entire  educational 
problem.  In  education,  as  in  nearly  everything 
else,  the  Mexican  of  whatever  class  must  truly  be 
convinced  that  any  effort  required  of  him  is  well 
worth  the  cost. 

Continual  diversion  is  the  best  of  safety  valves 
for  racial  and  personal  ambitions  which  have  been 
suppressed  or  even  forgotten  in  national  and  in- 
dividual crises,  and  the  forms  of  play  and  amuse- 
ment are,  as  we  have  seen,  a  definite  psychological 
need  of  the  Mexican. 

Money  and  property  come  in  the  varying  points 
in  the  scale  of  desires.  In  the  upper  classes  the 
ownership  of  lands  belongs  in  the  category  of  pride 

198 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

and  honor;  in  the  middle  class,  including  the 
rancheros,  or  small  farmers,  land  ownership  is  very 
largely  a  matter  of  food  and  clothing,  as  well  as 
pride  of  position.  In  the  lower  classes,  however, 
the  ownership  of  land  means  more  often  the  holding 
of  a  property  which  can  be  be  converted  into  cash, 
which  in  its  turn  can  go  for  food,  comforts  and 
amusements.  This  is  proven  again  and  again  by 
the  sale  of  small  properties  to  rancheros  or  hacen- 
dados  as  soon  as  communal  properties  have  been 
broken  up.  This  phenomenon  is  like  that  which 
the  United  States  has  witnessed  time  and  again  in 
years  past,  during  the  break-up  of  the  Indian 
reservations,  comparable  to  the  communal  lands 
of  the  Indians  of  Mexico.  A  second  (if  secondary) 
reason  for  the  peon's  interest  in  land  comes  from 
his  love  of  the  tierra,  the  soil  itself.  The  Indian 
loves  the  land  of  his  birth  and  the  mixed-blood 
Mexican  has  a  similar  feeling.  In  both  it  is 
extremely  localized,  and  this  of  itself  makes  the 
ownership  of  that  particular  property  of  senti- 
mental importance. 

It  seems  perfectly  sound  to  place  the  desire  for 
money,  as  such,  low  in  the  scale  of  Mexican  values. 
The  average  Mexican  works  for  his  living  and  com- 
fort, and  seldom  for  the  money  or  the  power  which 
accompanies  money.  Tied  up  with  the  conception 
of  money  is  the  land  question  just  stated.  Pur- 
chasers of  railway  rights  of  way  in  Mexico  often 
found  it  difficult  to  buy  land  that  was  identified 
as  the  owner's  tierra.  Mexicans  again  and  again 
refused  to  sell  their  home  sites  at  almost  any  price. 

199 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

One  man  refused  three  hundred  dollars  an  acre  for 
the  land  on  which  his  house  was  built,  but  offered 
to  sell  land  of  the  same  quality  across  the  fence  for 
fifty  cents  an  acre.  Another  instance  bearing  on 
the  primacy  of  living  over  money  is  the  story  of  a 
peon  who  refused  to  sell  a  piece  of  timber  land  which 
a  railroad  wished  to  use  as  a  terminal,  but  offered 
to  cede  the  property  without  price,  providing  he 
were  given  the  contract  of  clearing  it  of  timber  at 
the  ordinary  charge  for  such  work.  This  Mexican 
wanted  not  the  money  for  the  land,  but  the  work 
which  would  support  him. 

This  failure  to  connect  money  and  living  instinc- 
tively is  a  psychological  complex  which  is  signifi- 
cant. It  goes  back  to  the  feudal  days  and  to  the 
habit  of  the  lower-class  Mexican  of  looking  to  his 
patron  and  to  his  hacienda  for  the  necessities  of  life. 
Living  from  day  to  day,  purchasing  food  for  three 
meals  only,  as  is  the  custom  throughout  all  Mexico, 
the  value  of  money,  as  such,  lessens,  and  the  value 
of  work  is  over-emphasized.  It  may  well  be  that  it 
is  to  this  valuation  that  we  must  trace  the  fact  that 
the  Mexican  laborer  works  slowly  and  apparently 
listlessly  through  endless  hours.  In  the  earlier 
revolutionary  period,  and  in  the  present  period  of 
unrest,  the  crowded  cities  and  the  sparse  population 
in  the  countryside,  the  naked  children  starving  and 
fighting  with  dogs  over  refuse  from  the  garbage 
piles,  the  buyers  and  sellers  of  old  clothes,  all  present 
a  picture  that  may  well  explain  it.  A  Mexican 
sociologist  has  discussed  its  psychology  in  describ- 
ing the  period  previous  to  1876 : 

200 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

Men  who  were  given  work  worked  as  slowly  as  they  could 
for  fear  that  there  would  not  be  any  more  work.  The  sole 
idea  was  to  keep  work  ahead.  Hunger  made  these  people 
delay  completion  for  fear  they  would  have  no  more  chance  to 
earn  their  living.  They  received  37  centavos,  silver,  for  a 
twelve-hour  day.  Now  (in  the  time  of  Diaz)  the  Mexican 
laborer  has  been  able  to  count  on  daily  work,  and  the  Mexican 
is  more  ready  to  work  than  one  credits  him  with  being.  Up 
to  now  there  has  been  so  little  for  him  to  do  in  comparison 
with  the  number  who  needed  work  that  the  situation  has  led 
to  the  conditions  which  are  generally  described  as  chronic.1 

Such  an  attitude  accounts  for  much  of  the  cling- 
ing of  the  Mexican  to  the  peonage  system.  He 
finds  in  the  assurance  of  steady  work  both  his  inde- 
pendence and  his  self-respect.  He  is  even  suspicious 
if  he  is  offered  money,  for  that  seems  to  mean  that 
he  is  going  to  lose  his  job,  which  is  far  more  of  an 
insurance  to  him  than  such  an  uncertain  and  un- 
productive commodity  as  money.  The  lower-caste 
Mexican  wishes  to  be  carefree,  and  the  possession 
of  great  capital  is  less  significant  to  him  than  a  debt 
which  guarantees  him  a  job. 

The  attitude  of  the  American  or  European  toward 
money  as  an  intrinsic  thing  was  in  old  days  quite 
incomprehensible  to  the  Mexican.  To  him,  the 
giving  of  money  was  no  different  from  the  giving 
of  food,  or  the  giving  of  a  gift  which  may  or  may  not 
have  actual  money  value.  Part  of  the  hospitality 
of  the  Mexican  home  in  the  simpler  era  was  the 
leaving  of  loose  change  in  the  guest  room  for  the 
use  of  the  visitor,  if  need  arose. 

1  Julio  Guerrero,  "La  Genesis  del  Crimen  en  Mexico,"  Mexico 
City,  1916,  page  138. 

201 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

This  brings  us  directly  to  the  subject  of  patri- 
archal dependence,  one  of  the  basic  facts  of  Mexican 
relationships.  It  seems  fair  to  consider  this  as  a 
true  psychological  desire.  Only  under  a  patriarchal 
regime  can  one  laugh  and  be  happy  and  live  without 
money.  The  childlike  character  of  the  Mexican  in 
his  inheritance  from  the  Indian  demands  a  helping 
hand  and  the  right  to  play  and  to  work  and  to  have 
a  revolution  without  the  unhappy  formalities  which 
modern  civilization  requires  as  accompaniments  of 
these  recreations.  Confiding  and  simple,  the  lower 
class  seeks  cheerily  to  go  to  some  one  else  in  an 
emergency.  The  upper  classes  enjoy  the  role  of 
protector,  and  so  the  circle  is  complete,  and  the 
Mexican  desire  finds  expression  hi  a  quite  beautiful 
paternalism. 

The  desire  for  a  chief  who  will  take  an  interest 
and  at  the  same  time  will  be  a  master  appears  al- 
ways hi  Mexican  history  and  in  the  relations  of 
Mexicans  to  their  employers.  One  might  even  sug- 
gest that  President  Carranza's  leaning  toward  the 
German  side  in  the  Great  War  may  be  traceable 
to  the  instinctively  Mexican  desire  for  a  master, 
which  is  a  role  the  German  enjoys  filling. 

The  devotion  to  an  understanding  master  is  one 
of  the  deep  traits  of  Mexican  character.  An 
American  engineer  tells  of  stopping  on  a  night 
march  for  a  few  hours'  rest  en  route  to  a  forest 
fire  and  of  sleeping  at  a  height  of  twelve  thousand 
feet  with  a  band  of  Mexicans,  each  of  whom  had 
only  his  single  blanket.  Yet,  when  the  American 

awoke   after   a   brief   rest,   he  found   that   three 

202 


WHAT  IS  WORTH  WHILE 

of  the  Indians  had  covered  him  with  their  own 
zarapes. 

Only  one  instance  more,  and  we  must  leave  the 
discussion  of  Mexican  desires.  The  attitude  of  the 
Indian  toward  the  Emperor  Maximilian — who  came 
with  his  fair  blond  beard  and  his  retinue  of 
European  courtiers,  his  shiploads  of  silver  plate 
and  gilded  coaches — was  like  what  they  might  have 
shown  to  a  Messiah.  They  loved  him  for  his 
splendor  and  they  loved  him  for  the  spirit  in  which 
they  and  he  believed  he  had  come.  A  liberator  is 
to  them  always  something  sublime  and  beautiful, 
something  which  they  can  worship  and  love. 

A  similar  sight  greeted  those  who  came  to  Mexico 
City  with  Madero  on  that  wonderful  triumphal 
journey  from  the  mountains  of  the  north.  It  took 
him  four  days  to  make  the  seven  hundred  miles 
from  Parras,  his  home,  to  the  capital,  for  by  day 
and  night  he  was  greeted  at  every  station  by 
hundreds  and  thousands  of  people  who  regarded 
him,  as  he  did  himself,  as  their  deliverer.  By  foot 
and  horseback  came  all  the  people  of  the  villages, 
and  as  if  by  that  strange  telepathy  which  prevails 
among  savage  peoples,  the  crowd  came  to  stations 
where  no  word  was  ever  known  to  have  been  sent 
that  Madero  was  coming.  He,  too,  was  received 
as  a  deliverer  and  greeted  with  wonderful  affection 
and  appreciation  by  a  people  who  called  him  "the 
apostle"  and  made  his  trip  to  Mexico  a  triumphal 
journey  comparable  to  any  in  all  history. 

This  was  not  Madero  any  more  than  it  was 
Maximilian;  any  more  than  it  was  Diaz  at  the 

203 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

height  of  his  power,  or  Juarez,  in  his  old  black  coach 
during  his  long  years  of  exile  in  the  interior.  It 
was  the  spirit  of  a  simple  people  welling  up  to 
express  itself,  to  express  the  thing  which  it  had 
convinced  itself  stood  for  its  greatest  need.  Un- 
stable it  doubtless  was,  but  it  was  Mexico,  and  in 
Mexico  it  was  beautiful  and  significant,  perhaps 
the  most  significant  of  all  the  desires  which  have 
found  expression, — the  long  search,  the  pitiful 
search  for  the  leader,  for  the  understanding  master 
who  will  solve  the  pressing  problems  of  the  people's 
miserable  life. 


204 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE   MEXICAN   CROWD 

SIGNIFICANT,  interesting,  illuminating  as  is 
^  the  study  of  the  mind  process  of  the  individual, 
the  true  differentiation  of  one  people  from  all  their 
fellows  does  not  appear  until  we  find  our  way  into 
the  dynamic  realm  of  group  behavior.  It  is  like 
dropping  the  whittling  of  dolls  to  take  up  the  chisel 
and  shape  a  statue  out  of  living  marble  to  move 
from  the  psychology  of  the  individual  Mexican  to 
the  psychology  of  the  Mexican  group.  Here  action 
takes  the  place  of  static  observation,  and  the  throb- 
bing hope  of  a  real  redemption  replaces  the  mere 
recording  of  the  sorry  list  of  enslaved  mentalities. 

In  the  observation  of  the  Mexican  mind  in  its 
group  functionings,  we  find  as  many  faults  of 
action,  as  many  apparently  unworthy  motives  and 
hopeless  failures  as  in  its  individual  manifestations. 
But  here  we  find,  too,  the  tremendous,  the  encourag- 
ing fact,  thau  all  these  individual  and  group  mani- 
festations point  to  one  pregnant  condition — the 
long  existence  of  the  Mexican  upon  the  lower 
planes  of  mind  life.  Here  we  learn  that  he  has  not 
degenerated  from  a  higher  individual  and  group 
existence,  but  that  he  is  struggling  along  the  long 
hard  road  of  human  advancement,  the  road  which 

205 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

humanity  has  traveled  before  him,  and  that  his 
failures  are  in  his  being  yet  only  on  the  road. 
He  is  reaching,  through  the  mazes  of  his  primitive 
mind,  for  those  gains  which  make  our  life  a  harder 
struggle,  perhaps,  but  at  least  a  struggle  in  the 
open  and  not  in  those  dark  halls  of  hopelessness  in 
which  the  Mexican  people  must  still  find  their  way. 

In  that  darkness  then-  minds  grope,  minds, 
as  we  have  seen,  different  in  myriad  ways  from  our 
own,  moving  on  different  planes  and  with  values 
and  methods  of  thought  which  we  perhaps  never 
touched  in  all  our  long  race  history.  There  would 
be  horror  if,  once  raised  to  a  higher  level,  they  had 
slipped  back  the  centuries  which  their  present  con- 
dition seems  to  indicate.  But  as  we  study  their 
group  life  we  shall  come  once  more  to  the  con- 
clusion which  has  been  stated  in  this  book  and 
elsewhere, — that  it  is  deep  race  heritage  and  tradi- 
tion that  has  kept  the  Mexicans  for  so  long  from 
the  light  of  progress  and  civilization.  In  this, 
they  are  far  better  off  than  lands  where,  with 
greater  knowledge,  with  higher  ideals  inculcated  in 
youth  by  education  and  example,  the  mass  and  some 
of  the  leaders  as  well,  have  slipped  back  to  the 
lower  planes,  and,  despite  their  knowledge, .  live 
content  within  the  self-seeking  realm  of  hunger  for 
only  the  animal  desires. 

The  human  struggle  upward  from  the  animal  to 
the  true  social  and  socialized  life  has  been  epito- 
mized as  the  emergence  through  four  planes,  four 
planes  on  which  there  are  thirteen  "  hungers", 
thirteen  vital  desires,  each  of  which  in  its  turn 

206 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

has  dominated  the  life  of  the  individual  and  formed 
the  life  of  the  human  group.  We  can  literally  test 
the  civilization  of  any  individual  or  group  or  nation 
by  finding  the  " hungers"  hi  this  list  which  dom- 
inate his  or  its  life.  Such  a  test  will  just  here 
clarify  our  concept  of  the  Mexican  group-mind. 

The  four  groups  and  the  thirteen  social  hungers1 
are  these: 

I.  Ontogenetic  (Individual  evolution) :   1.    Hun- 
ger for  nutrition.    2.  Brute  assertion.     3.  Fear, 
the  dawning  of  thought  for  self-preservation. 

II.  Phylogenetic  (Group  evolution) :  4.  Sex-hun- 
ger.   5.  Hunger  for  offspring,  the  dim  beginnings  of 
altruism.     6.  Kin-sympathy,   tribal   organization, 
but  not  widely  altruistic. 

III.  Ecogenetic  (Evolution  of  Property) :  7.  Hun- 
ger for  wealth.    8.  Hunger  for  economic  dominance. 
9.  Hunger  for  place  and  caste. 

IV.  Sociogenetic  (Social  evolution) :  10.    Hunger 
for  knowledge,  the  beginnings  of  desire  for  identi- 
fication with  the  cosmos.     11.  Ideals,  the  hunger 
for  completeness  and  for  true  feeling.     12.  A  so- 
cialized will,  the  hunger  for  an  idealized  society  and 
for  self-investment  in  its  weal.    13.  God-conscious- 
ness, the  supreme  hunger  and  the  supreme  cosmic 
dynamic,  for  the  summation  of  reason,  feeling  and 
volition. 

With  this  rod-stick  in  hand,  it  is  not  difficult  to 
realize  that  the  Mexican  as  a  group  has  only  a  f  oot- 

1  The  list  is  taken  without  apology  from  the  charts  in  the 
published  lecture  notes  of  the  author's  honored  master,  Doctor 
Daniel  Moses  Fisk,  Professor  of  Sociology  at  Washburn  College. 

207 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

hold  on  the  third  plane,  that  of  materialism,  and 
has  virtually  no  conception  of  the  fourth  plane  with 
its  great  social  hungers  for  the  welfare  of  the  race. 
This  is  true  not  only  of  the  lower  types  of  Indians 
but  of  the  vast  majority  of  the  upper  ranks  of 
mestizos,  only  a  few  of  whom  have  begun  to  mani- 
fest even  the  none  too  elevated  hungers  for  econo- 
nomic  dominance  and  place.  The  rarity  of  the 
type  of  man  who  has  even  the  desire  for  knowledge 
in  its  higher  sense  (outside  its  immediate  value 
in  his  business)  has  always  been  remarked  in 
Mexico,  the  paucity  of  libraries  and  centers  of 
higher  education  throughout  the  country  being 
sufficient  evidence. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  regime  of  Diaz, 
when  Mexico  reached  the  zenith  of  her  progress 
(up  to  the  present),  was  devoted  to  the  hope  of 
raising  the  mass  of  the  Mexicans  to  the  full  benefits 
of  the  third  or  ecogenetic  plane,  where  what  we 
commonly  call  ambition  manifests.  The  directing 
hand  was  that  of  Porfirio  Diaz  and  of  the  men  about 
him,  men  dominated  primarily  perhaps  by  the 
hunger  for  place  and  power,  but  lightened  also  by 
the  higher  hungers  for  knowledge  and  for  the 
idealized  society  toward  which  they  alone  of  all  the 
Mexicans  seemed  to  be  reaching. 

Below  them,  as  ever,  was  the  mass  of  the  people, 
dominated  by  the  fear  impulses,  with  the  cunning, 
the  sham  and  the  jealousy,  the  self -defensives  and 
the  cruelties  which,  motivated  by  brute  assertion, 
are  the  mimic  of  the  clear-eyed,  reasoning  will  of  the 
higher,  social  plane.  That  mass  is  there  to-day, 

208 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

and  their  entire  group  life  is  made  up  of  these 
reactions,  with  never,  in  all  the  sweep  of  their 
activities,  one  rift  in  the  clouds  of  race-inheritance 
toward  the  higher  realms  of  feeling  and  altruism. 

It  is  just  this  persistence  that  makes  men  of 
other  races  and  other  cultures  fail  and  fail  again  in 
understanding  the  Mexicans  of  to-day — we  cannot 
believe  that  the  motives  of  the  higher  realms  are 
missing,  and  most  of  all  we  cannot  believe  that  they 
have  never  existed  hi  the  Mexican  mind.  The 
tragedy  of  all  our  dealings  with  them  has  been  either 
that  we  have  appealed  in  vain  to  the  higher  motives 
which  we  cannot  conceive  as  being  absent,  or  that 
we  have  relegated  the  entire  company  of  Mexicans 
to  the  r61e  of  degenerates  because  we  know,  with 
cynical  assurance,  that  they  have  "lost"  all  sem- 
blance of  the  higher  desires  which  alone  could 
respond  on  that  plane.  In  both  we  are  wrong,  and 
until  we  realize  this,  we  shall  struggle  uselessly 
either  to  touch  and  stir  or  to  understand  them.  It 
is  not  that  they  have  hidden  those  qualities,  or 
that  the  whole  people  have  lost  them.  They  have 
never  reached  to  that  plane,  and  in  this  there  is  no 
blame  or  any  basis  for  discouragement.  Rather  the 
fact,  so  patent  on  analysis,  is  a  beacon  of  hope;  for 
they  can  and,  heaven  willing,  they  shall  rise  to  it, 
through  education  and  a  broader  socialization. 

In  the  individual  psychology  of  the  Mexican  we 
have  found  many  faults  and  a  few  virtues;  in  the 
crowd  we  shall  find  fewer  virtues  and  greater  faults. 
But  this  is  a  law  of  the  group,  a  tragic  law  to  be 
sure,  but  one  that  works  on  every  people,  be  they 

209 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Hottentots  or  Scandinavians;  and  Mexico  comes 
under  its  sway.  But  the  group  which  has  never 
achieved  to  great  virtue  gives,  verily,  more  to  be 
hoped  for  than  that  which  has  been  great  and  good 
and  has  fallen  from  its  high  estate.  In  the  group 
we  enter  a  field  where  the  individual  is  but  an  atom. 
So  in  this  study  let  us  continue  to  ignore  the  pitiable, 
tiny  parcel  of  leaders  who,  ignorant  of  all  but  the 
struggle  for  power  and  money,  are  exploiting  not 
only  the  world  without,  its  capitalists,  its  workers 
and  its  diplomats,  but  also  their  own  people,  people 
who  on  then-  own  plane  of  virtually  tribal  commun- 
ism have  in  themselves  the  seeds  of  development. 

Thus  we  come  to  a  phase  of  the  still  controversial 
study  of  " crowd  psychology"  which  is  relatively 
simple.  The  scientists  have,  since  crowd  psychology 
was  enunciated,  struggled  with  the  difficult  adapta- 
tion of  the  idea  of  the  individual  will  to  the  "  group 
mind."  Rousseau  first  noted  the  difficulty  when  he 
said  that  the  "will  of  all"  is  seldom  the  " general 
will."  A  more  recent  authority  has  put  it  more 
completely: 

The  aggregate  which  is  society  has,  in  virtue  of  its  past 
history,  positive  qualities  which  it  does  not  derive  from  the 
units  which  compose  it  at  any  one  time;  and  in  virtue  of 
these  qualities  it  acts  upon  its  units  in  a  manner  very  dif- 
ferent from  that  in  which  the  units  as  such  interact  with 
each  other.1 

In  Mexico,  while  this  difference  between  indi- 
vidual and  group  behavior  exists,  there  is  a  surpris- 

1  William  MacDougall,  "The  Group  Mind,"  New  York,  1920, 
page  9. 

210 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

ing  absence  of  the  confusion  which  psychologists 
find  in  other  peoples.  The  group  mind  is  indeed 
less  worthy  than  the  individual  mind,  but  the 
tremendous  hold  of  tradition  makes  the  domination 
of  the  group  will  virtually  inevitable.  This  is  of 
itself  an  important  simplification  of  the  problem  of 
Mexican  group  psychology,  and  at  the  same  time  a 
tempting  invitation  for  the  uplift  of  the  Mexican 
through  the  intelligence  of  his  more  cultured  white 
brothers. 

Individually  the  typical  Mexican  seldom  thinks 
for  himself  above  the  purely  animal  plane,  but  in 
the  group  he  has  his  strength  of  tradition  and  his 
fixed  criterions  of  importance  and  unimportance. 
All  these  go  back  to  the  tribal  organization  in  which, 
very  literally,  he  still  lives.  There  the  old  self- 
defensive  and  self-assertive  instincts  are  at  work, 
and  with  the  sanction  of  the  group,  the  Indian  func- 
tions with  inevitable  precision  and  goes  to  battle, 
to  pillage,  to  rape  and  ruin,  and  cheerfully  to  his 
own  annihilation,  if  the  group  mind  and  the  group 
traditions  advocate  it.  The  comparison  is  easy  if 
we  take  but  the  one  example  of  individual  responsi- 
bility. 

In  highly  organized  societies,  crime  is  personal  and 
moral  responsibility  is  on  the  individual;  in  tribal 
life  the  whole  clan  shares  the  crime  and  the  responsi- 
bility,— even  though  the  clan  may  not  hold  its  in- 
dividuals to  account.  On  this  latter  plane  dwells 
the  Mexican,  and  we  must  realize  this  fact  if  we 
would  understand  the  primary  bases  of  his  relation- 
ship to  the  world.  Even  in  his  predatory  stealing, 

211 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

looting,  raping,  the  Mexican  acts  usually  in  a 
group,  and  it  is  seldom,  even  in  the  present  dis- 
turbed days,  that  an  individual  steals  or  kills  alone. 

The  paradox  of  the  petty  pilfering  of  a  servant, 
when  surrounded  by  others,  and  the  honesty  and 
devotion  of  perhaps  the  same  servant  when  vested 
alone  with  the  responsibility  of  the  household,  in 
the  master's  absence,  has  puzzled  many  observers. 
It  seems,  however,  to  be  resolved  immediately  by 
applying  this  simple  standard  of  group  morality. 
It  follows  the  inevitable  law  that  if,  by  appeal  or 
example,  the  individual  can  be  lifted  from  under 
the  aegis  of  his  traditions,  he  reaches  at  once  toward 
the  higher  plane  to  which,  by  the  history  of  his 
race,  he  is  tending  through  the  inevitable  growth 
up  the  ladder  of  the  thirteen  " hungers"  and  the 
four  planes  of  human  unfoldment. 

But  it  is  rare  indeed  that  this  load  of  tradition 
can  be  lifted.  The  foreign  companies  operating  in 
Mexico  have  sought  wisely,  but  doubtless  without 
a  consciousness  of  the  ladder  of  social  hungers 
which  we  are  discussing,  to  lif  t  the  peon  by  opening 
the  horizon  of  the  pleasures  of  comfort  and  well- 
being  which  we  have  classified  as  ecogenetic.  In- 
deed, the  burden  of  about  all  the  sociology  which 
has  ever  been  applied  to  the  Mexican  problem  has 
had  to  do  with  the  idea  of  an  "increase  of  wants", 
so  that  the  peon,  finding  his  necessities  growing, 
would  increase  his  earning  power.  A  large  propor- 
tion of  all  modern  civilization  has  been  built  on 
this  idea,  and  it  may,  indeed,  be  the  way  of  escape 
for  the  Mexican.  But  the  experience  of  managers 

212 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

has  tended  to  but  two  ends:  one  has  found  that 
the  Indian,  when  paid  more  money,  does  not  in- 
crease his  wants  but  rather  reduces  his  working 
days;  the  other  discovers  that  the  increase  of  wants 
does  not  effect  an  increase  of  efficiency  but,  instead, 
a  dogged  insistence,  in  the  form  of  strikes  or  sabo- 
tage, on  an  increase  in  pay  without  any  increase 
in  efficiency.  The  " higher  standard  of  living'7  in- 
culcated in  this  way  is  not,  in  other  words,  a  far- 
reaching  success,  and  the  bewilderment  of  the  ex- 
perimenting foreigners  is  appalling. 

Here,  once  more,  it  seems  that  we  hark  back  to 
the  group-mind,  the  domination  of  tradition,  the 
cruel  grip  of  the  old  fear-regime,  when  there  was 
not  work  enough  or  food  enough  to  go  round. 
Work  had  to  be  conserved  by  slowness  and  living 
won  by  such  force  as  the  weakling  could  muster, 
chiefly  the  standing  still  and  howling  like  a  child 
till  he  got  what  he  wanted.  Often  has  the  foreigner 
found  that  when,  in  response  to  a  bonus  system,  a. 
few  of  his  workmen  gained  greater  pay,  the  imme- 
diate result  was  a  strike  in  which  the  beneficiaries 
joined  with  the  " unfortunates"  in  a  demand  for 
equal  pay, — on  the  higher  scale. 

The  failure  of  all  efforts  to  induce  a  general  climb 
on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  to  the  plane  of  ambition 
for  economic  improvement  has  its  roots  in  that 
fatalism  which,  too,  is  at  root  traditional.  There  has 
never  been  any  successful  attempt,  by  education 
or  otherwise,  to  connect  the  sequences  of  seed  tune 
and  harvest,  effort  and  reward. 

To  the  child  of  that  old  day  (and  the  Mexican  in 

213 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

his  group  life  is  obviously  but  a  child  of  the  ancient 
savage  time)  what  will  be  will  be,  despite  all  human 
effort.  In  the  group  thinking  or  rather  feeling  which 
is  characteristic  of  such  a  period,  the  individual 
mind  seeks  nothing  and  learns  nothing;  the  desire 
for  knowledge  is  still  far  off  up  the  long  ladder. 
Thus  we  account,  and  thus  only  can  we  account, 
for  the  alternate  spells  of  activity  and  apathy  in  the 
Mexican.  The  peon  plants  his  fields  with  enthusi- 
asm and  hope,  and  then  waits  for  the  months  of 
ripening  without  cultivation,  without  care  for  the 
weeds,  and,  indeed,  with  fatalistic  apathy  toward 
the  forces  of  nature.  Only  if  the  gods  or  fate  allow 
will  he  have  a  crop.  The  domination  of  the  group- 
mind,  the  absence  of  the  still  distant  awakening  to 
true  reason  of  any  kind,  keeps  him  still  on  the 
plane  of  the  beasts. 

With  this  background  the  forms  of  organization 
in  Mexico  can  be  (and  actually  are)  of  but  one 
kind, — what  the  sociologists  call  will-organizations. 
Thought  organizations  are  utterly  nonexistent,  and 
the  will-organizations,  as  we  shall  see,  have  absorbed 
all  the  functions  of  thought-organization,  borrowing 
often  from  others  ideals  and  systems  ill  adapted  to 
the  needs  of  the  country  and  the  people. 

Primary  among  the  will-organizations  are  the 
essentially  tribal  units  which  form  Mexican  society. 
We  have  noted  above  the  links  of  family  and  kin- 
ship, and  the  compadre  system,  which  is  virtually  a 
blood-brother  process  of  adoption  and  thus  essen- 
tially savage.  These  tribal  groupings  persist 
throughout  Indian  Mexico,  and  tribal  and  village 

214 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

feuds  are  met  with  on  any  journey  that  takes  one 
among  the  natives.  The  devotion  of  the  Mexican 
to  his  little  bit  of  territory,  his  tierra  or  birth- 
place, and  his  genuine  scorn  of  any  other  portion 
of  his  country  or  any  foreign  country,  is  in  itself  a 
survival  of  the  old  tribal  idea  and  a  very  real  phase 
of  the  tribal  organization  as  it  exists  to-day.  The 
entire  history  of  Mexico  has  been  the  struggle  to 
make  a  nation  in  the  face  of  tremendously  disinte- 
grating elements.  It  is  doubtful  if,  without  the 
Spanish  ideals  which  still  dominate  it  and  link  a 
supreme  individualism  with  a  deep  subservience  to 
the  State  as  such,  the  Mexican  national  organization 
would  have  persisted.  As  it  is,  the  national  organi- 
zation is  in  grave  peril  to-day,  when  the  governing 
group  of  the  country  is  to  all  intents  and  purposes 
a  federation  of  tribal  chieftains,  each  controlling  a 
section  of  the  country  and  a  handful  of  followers 
(usually  all  of  the  same  Indian  tribe  or  mestizos 
with  some  lingering  memory  of  tribal  relationship). 
The  form  of  Mexican  will  organization  which  at 
the  present  time  is  occupying  the  most  attention, 
inside  and  outside  of  Mexico,  is  rooted  hi  the 
ancient  communism  from  which  the  tribal  divisions 
also  spring.  The  reference  is  to  the  so-called 
socialistic  unions  and  syndicates  which  are  dominat- 
ing most  of  the  political  and  industrial  life  of  the 
country.  Previous  to  the  outbreak  of  socialism 
and  bolshevism  in  Europe  following  the  Great  War, 
there  was  in  Mexico  little  nation-wide  trade  union- 
ism or  socialistic  organization.  In  the  latter  days 
of  the  war,  through  German  socialists,  who  had 

215 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

come  or  had  remained  in  Mexico  as  part  of  the 
German  spy  organization  there,  and  American 
radicals  who,  opposed  to  war,  had  made  their 
escape  from  the  draft  by  flying  to  the  friendly 
shadows  of  Carranza's  flag,  Mexico  began  to  have 
an  awakening  in  both  directions.  As  a  result  the 
country  had  become  something  of  a  hotbed  of 
socialistic  propaganda.  Laborers  of  every  type 
have  been  organized,  not  along  the  lines  of  the 
American  and  British  trade  unions,  but  along 
syndicalist  forms,  feeding,  as  a  natural  result,  on 
the  communistic  instincts  of  the  Indian  element, 
and  thus  forming  a  natural  circle  around  to  the 
original  form  of  tribal  will  grouping. 

At  base,  then,  the  groups  of  Mexico  are  all  forms 
of  the  will  or  traditional-volitional  organization. 
And  here  again  we  swing  back  to  the  fundamentals 
of  group  organization  which  in  the  modern  world 
are  discovered  to  be  in  three  definite  forms.1  first, 
the  individualists,  finding  the  force  of  their  will 
in  the  institution  of  private  property;  second,  the 
socialists  or  collectivists,  basing  their  power  on  the 
idea  of  the  State,  and  third,  the  syndicalists,  non- 
local associations  based  primarily  on  the  occupa- 
tional rakings.  These  divisions  in  then*  turn  hark 
back  to  the  divisions  along  the  cleavage  of  the 
property  instinct,  varying  of  course  hi  the  different 
races  and  nations  of  the  world. 

In  Europe,  and  to  a  lesser  extent  hi  the  United 
States,  the  idea  of  the  individualists  has  been 

i  Cf.  Graham  Wallas,  "The  Great  Society,"  New  York,  1913, 
pages  290-291. 

216 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

gradually  breaking  down.  The  factory  system, 
taking  the  place  of  the  old  domestic  system  of 
production,  has  tended  toward  the  elimination  of 
the  ideas  of  individualism  and  the  primacy  of 
property,  so  that  the  shift  toward  the  concept  of  the 
social  obligations  and  duties  of  capital  (which  is 
property)  has  come  gradually.  The  slow  evolu- 
tion away  from  the  old  idea  of  the  "  identity  of 
interest  between  producer  and  consumer"  has  also 
come  with  relative  slowness,  giving  at  least  some 
time  for  adaptation,  as  concentration  has  taken  the 
place  of  competition.  But  in  Mexico  these  changes 
have  come  with  a  suddenness  which  has  wrought 
an  appalling  confusion. 

Still  in  the  age,  largely,  of  domestic  and  individ- 
ual production,  she  has  had  swept  down  upon  her 
the  whole  avalanche  of  modern  thought.  The  most 
" advanced"  sort  of  theories  have  been  handed  to 
her  with  literally  no  background  of  experience  and 
slow  adaptation  by  which  to  adjust  them.  The 
result  has  been  that  she  has  fastened  the  modern 
shibboleths  of  socialism  to  the  most  archaic  type 
of  communism  existing  hi  the  world,  and  collectiv- 
ism and  syndicalism  are  jumbled  with  more  com- 
plete chaos  than  is  to  be  found  even  in  Russia. 
Those  who  find  food  for  fear  in  the  rapid  evolution 
of  the  socialistic  principles  of  the  British  or  Amer- 
ican workingman  will  find  themselves  happy  indeed 
to  go  back  to  that  homely  apprehension  after  a 
contemplation  of  the  chaos  of  Mexican  working 
conditions. 

The  psychological  attitude  of  the  Mexican  group 

217 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

toward  its  so-called  " social  revolution"  (and  here 
we  can  discuss  only  those  psychological  attitudes) 
has  been  set  forth  with  exceeding  clearness  by  the 
I.  W.  W.  organizer,  John  Murray.1 

In  describing  the  invasion  and  sacking  of  Mexico 
City  by  General  Alvaro  Obregon  (later  president 
of  Mexico)  Mr.  Murray  wrote: 

After  Felix  Diaz  ran  away,  after  Huerta  fled,  General 
Obregon  held  Mexico  City  for  the  Constitutionalist  govern- 
ment. Meanwhile,  Zapata  was  blowing  up  trains  and  gener- 
ally demoralizing  traffic  in  and  out  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  so  that 
bread  was  scarce  and  the  people  threatened  with  starvation.2 
The  mills  which  ground  corn  for  the  public  entirely  failed  to 
provide  masa  for  the  people,  and  women  were  making  long 
trips  into  the  country  to  get  the  wherewithal  to  make  bread. 
Bakeries  had  notices  posted  in  front  of  their  shops  stating  that 
they  had  no  flour.  Only  English  biscuits  sold  in  a  few  shops 
catering  to  the  rich  and  were  purchasable  at  a  rate  of  from  four 
to  eight  dollars  a  kilo. 

Then  it  was  that  General  Alvaro  Obregon,  commanding  the 
Constitutionalist  troops  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  made  a  declara- 
tion that  "the  merchants  did  not  accept  the  invitation  which 
was  made  to  them  to  assist  the  people  in  their  dire  need,  and 
thus  prevent  violence." 

"The  time  has  come,"  he  added,  "when  the  people  may 
make  use  of  a  right  (the  right  of  revolution),  which  in  other 
circumstances  would  be  prohibited  to  them,  and  which  any 
authority  would  have  to  oppose.  Authority  can  never  be  the 
authority  of  anybody,  but  of  justice  only,  and  should  dispense 
justice  to  persons  or  collectivities  if  they  deserve  it,  but  when 

1  "Behind  the  Drums  of  Revolution,"  The  Survey,  New  York, 
December  2,  1916,  Volume  XXXVII,  pages  237-244. 

2  Mr.  Murray  does  not  accept  the  report  that  General  Obregon 
shipped  carloads  of  corn  and  beans  out  of  Mexico  City  to  be  sold 
for  the  profit  of  the  Carranza  generals  and  for  the  maintenance 
of  their  armies  in  the  field. 

218 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

one  part  of  the  community  turns  away  from  justice  and  up- 
rightness, the  government  should  not  defend  it  against  a 
sacred  right  which  it  has  placed  in  the  people's  hands."  1 

Soon  after,  the  Casa  del  Obrero  Mundial 2  met  with  Rafael 
Zubaran  Capmany3  and  signed  an  agreement  in  which  the 
Constitutionalist  government  officially  recognized  their  mutu- 
ality of  aims.  Thousands  of  workingmen  paraded  through  the 
streets  of  Mexico,  headed  by  the  red  flag,  and  were  saluted 
by  the  staff  officers  of  General  Obregon  as  they  passed  his 
headquarters  in  the  St.  Francis  Hotel. 

The  following  pact  was  signed  between  organized  labor  and 
the  Constitutionalist  government  officially,  the  first  time  in 
history,  as  far  as  I  am  aware,  that  a  National  government 
ever  entered  into  a  working  agreement  with  a  labor 
organization. 

Here  Mr.  Murray  inserts  in  full  the  text  of  the 
famous  " treaty"  by  which  the  government  agreed 
only  to  "  attend  with  all  the  solicitude  it  has  used 
up  to  date,  to  the  workers'  just  claims  arising 
from  their  labor  contracts  with  their  employers " 
and  the  Casa  del  Obrero  Mundial  pledged  itself  to 
furnish  its  membership  for  police  force  (with 
remuneration)  and  also  to  "carry  on  an  active 
propaganda  to  win  sympathy  for  the  Constitution- 
alist government  among  all  the  workers  through- 
out the  republic  and  the  working-class  world, 
pointing  out  to  the  Mexican  workingmen  the 
advantages  of  joining  the  revolution,  inasmuch 
as  it  will  bring  about  the  improvement  the  working 

1  This  quotation  is  of  great  significance  as  an  essentially  sympa- 
thetic presentation  of  General  Obregon's  famous  "invitation  to  loot" 
which  was  posted  throughout  Mexico  City  during  his  occupation. 

2  Literally,  the  House  of  the  Workers  of  the  World— the  I.  W.  W. 

3  Later  Minister  of  Commerce  and  Industry  in  the  cabinet  of 
President  Obregon. 

219 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

class  is  seeking  through  its  unions."  The  final 
clause  provides  that: 

The  workers  who  take  up  arms  in  the  Constitutionalist 
government  and  also  the  female  workers  who  perform  service 
in  aiding  or  attending  the  wounded,  or  other  similar  service 
will  be  known  under  the  one  denomination;  whether  organized 
in  companies,  battalions,  regiments,  brigades  or  divisions,  all 
will  be  designated  as  "Reds." 

There  were  many  such  "Red"  units  in  the  Con- 
stitutionalist army,  and  apologists  for  General 
Obregon  have  always  stated  that  his  agreement 
with  the  Casa  del  Obrero  Mundial  was  because  he 
needed  new  troops  and  found  this  an  excellent  and 
easy  way  to  get  them.  Carranza  afterward  broke 
with  the  Casa  del  Obrero  Mundial  and  for  a  time 
during  his  regime  the  organization  was  ostensibly 
and  officially  dissolved.  It  later  assumed  its  old 
place  and  importance. 

Mr.  Murray  goes  on  after  setting  forth  the 
agreement: 

It  is  plain  why  organized  labor  supported  the  Consti- 
tutionalist government  in  Mexico:  food,  guns  in  workers' 
hands,  opportunity  to  organize,  to  strike  and  raise  the  standard 
of  living,  all  this  was  reason  enough.  But  what  inducement 
was  it  that  persuaded  middle-class  Mexicans  to  become 
upholders  of  a  governmental  programme  that  called  for  land 
nationalization  and  all  the  preliminary  steps  that  led  to  a 
socialization  of  industry?  I  found  scores  of  men  like  Con- 
stitutionalist Secretary  of  State  Cabrera;  Secretary  of  Gober- 
nacion  Zubaran;  the  general  who  practically  snatched  Mexico 
from  the  reaction,  Obregon;  men  educated  in  Paris  and  Berlin, 
like  Atl  and  Holland — and  all  that  class  which  in  every  other 
country  under  the  sun  shys  at  the  nationalization  of  anything 

220 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

and  constitutes  the  most  bitter  enemy  of  militant  labor  or- 
ganizations, here  in  Mexico  falling  one  over  another  to  propose 
new  steps  whereby  the  resources  of  Mexico  could  be  put  into 
the  hands  of  government. 

Mr.  Murray  did  not  answer  his  own  question, 
save  by  the  Mexican  method  of  producing  an 
analogy  and  further  examples,  citing  the  famous 
speech  of  Roque  Estrada,  one  of  Carranza's  supreme 
court  judges,  who  in  administering  the  oath  to  a 
group  of  new  judges  is  quoted  as  declaring: 

"You  will  say  to  me  that  there  are  articles  to  be  adhered  to 
contained  in  a  book  called  'Law/  but  I  must  remind  you 
that  we  are  condemning  and  rejecting  all  that  has  previously 
taken  place  and  that  there  exist  no  laws  or  regulations  which 
bind  us  to  any  definite  procedure,  and  so  it  becomes  necessary 
to  apply  a  strictly  revolutionary  spirit  in  order  that  the  admin- 
istration of  justice  may  answer  its  purpose  in  fulfilling  the 
aspirations  of  the  revolution,  which  has  now  materialized 
into  a  government." 

No  better  statement  of  the  Mexican  "socialis- 
tic" movement  from  within  has  ever  been  written 
than  this  frank  and  cynical  description  of  Mr. 
Murray.1  It  goes  far,  however,  to  support  the 
assertion  made  above  that  the  chaos  of  the  Mexican 
radical  movement  has  been  made  complete  by  the 
confusion  of  foreign  ideas  with  ancient  Mexican 

1  A  valuable  analysis  of  the  Constitution  of  1917,  the  palladium 
of  Mexican  "socialistic"  liberties,  has  been  done  by  Lie.  Jorge 
Vera  Estanol,  former  Minister  of  Education  of  Mexico:  J.  Vera 
Estanol,  "Al  Margen  de  la  Constitucion  de  1917,"  Los  Angeles, 
1920.  The  English  translation,  unfortunately  called  "Carranza  and 
His  Bolsheviki  Constitution",  was  also  published.  The  Wayside 
Press,  Los  Angeles,  1920. 

221 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

communism.  The  incidents  described  by  Mr. 
Murray  and  the  documents  cited  are  all,  obvi- 
ously, the  product  or  inspiration  of  foreign  radicals 
like  himself,  while  the  actual  developments  in  the 
history  of  the  movement  indicate  that  the  true 
stimulating  element  is  not  the  foreign  spirit  but 
the  native,  ingrained  conception  of  communistic 
ownership. 

The  land  and  labor  questions  in  Mexico  have  been 
described  elsewhere1  and  the  psychology  of  the 
Mexican,  working  as  a  group  from  the  ancient  tra- 
ditions surrounding  these  two  factors,  has  tended 
to  take  every  new  idea  from  without  and  shape  it 
to  forms  as  old  as  Mexico  itself.  The  idea  of  the 
nationalization  of  land  and  industry  becomes, 
thus,  the  idea  of  land  distribution  for  the  benefit 
of  the  lowly,  who  thus  achieve,  not  socialization, 
but  individual  property  again,  property  to  be  dis- 
posed of  as  promptly  as  possible  for  a  circulating 
medium  which  can  be  spent.  The  only  residuum 
of  socialization  that  is  desired  is  the  possession  of 
communal  lands  of  the  old  Indian  type;  but  this 
alone  is  not  satisfactory,  for  there  must  also  be 
personal  redistribution  so  that  the  beneficiaries 
may  sell  and  enjoy  the  proceeds. 

The  basic  difficulty  with  foreign  socialistic  ideas 
is  and  has  always  been  that  the  Mexican,  due  to  his 
Indian  antecedents,  demands  this  communal  con- 
dition but  does  not  at  the  same  time  accept  com- 
munal responsibility.  On  the  "socialistic"  plane 
he  fails  even  more  than  on  the  plane  of  individual 

1  Cf.  "The  People  of  Mexico,"  pages  315  et  seq. 
222 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

property,  through  his  utter  inability  to  work  any- 
thing out  without  the  substantial  aid  of  paternal 
guidance  of  some  sort.  He  had  this  under  the  Aztec 
rule,  in  his  own  princes;  he  had  it  under  the 
Spaniards  in  the  firm  if  sometimes  ill-considered 
rule  of  the  viceroys  and  of  the  rising  aristocracy  of 
Spanish  and  lightly  diluted  mixed-bloods;  after  a 
welter  of  revolutions  which  were  in  essence  chiefly 
a  quarrel  over  whether  the  whites  or  the  mestizos 
should  have  the  privileges  and  the  profits  of 
government,  he  had  this  same  paternalistic  pro- 
ection  under  Diaz.  His  chief  psychological  dif- 
ficulty in  the  past  ten  years  has  been  frankly  the 
removal  of  this  paternalistic  support.  In  the  final 
analysis  he  is  still  in  the  stage  where  genuine 
disinterested  leadership  is  needed,  and  needed 
badly,  to  carry  on  his  development  for  a  few  years 
or  perhaps  for  a  few  generations  longer.  Foreign 
socialism  has  not  yet — nor  will  it  soon — evolve  such 
leadership  in  the  Mexicans  themselves. 

But  the  world  has  been  hurrying  forward,  and 
because  of  the  deep  communal  sense  of  the  Mexican, 
because  of  the  continuing  truth  that  fishing  is  best 
hi  troubled  waters,  Mexico  has  become  a  rich  field 
for  " socialistic"  exploitation.  The  result  has  been 
that  much  has  been  done  in  the  name  of  socialism 
and  the  " social  revolution"  which  hi  other  times 
has  been  done  under  other  names. 

Meanwhile,  the  " drums  of  revolution"  roll  on, 
and  Mexico  and  the  Mexicans  march  to  their 
rhythm.  But  behind  the  drums  is  to  be  found,  not 
the  mere  retailing  of  incident  and  the  picturing  of 

223 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

the  strength  of  foreign  radical  ideas  in  Mexico, 
as  Mr.  Murray  found,  but  rather  the  age-long  social 
organization  of  the  Mexican  group.  This,  in  literal 
fact,  is  the  fundamental  of  her  life.  The  relationship 
of  the  Mexican  groups  concern  us  far  more,  in  the 
long  view  which  we  are  seeking  of  the  Mexican 
mind,  than  any  outbreak  of  borrowed  national  or 
radical  ideas. 

Mexico  is  divided,  by  the  exigencies  of  her  racial, 
political  and  industrial  history,  by  most  distinct 
class  and  caste  cleavages.  These  are  the  essential 
group  formations,  and  the  spirit  of  caste  has 
a  distinct  bearing  on  the  whole  psychology  of 
the  country.  This  condition  is  likely  to  be  more 
easily  understood  hi  England  than  hi  the  United 
States,  although  hi  actuality  the  Mexican  ac- 
ceptance of  the  distinct  class  groupings  is  by  no 
means  comparable  to  the  English  conception  of 
such  divisions. 

There  is,  however,  a  surprising  lack  of  servility, — 
the  Mexican,  from  peon  to  president,  is  apparently 
thoroughly  satisfied  with  his  lot,  or  willing,  at  least, 
to  make  the  best  of  it. 

The  peon  on  the  street  is  utterly  unconscious  of 
his  often  dirty  clothing,  and  except  that  his  polite- 
ness (for  which  we  have  to  thank  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  much  more  than  any  racial  inherit- 
ance) makes  him  give  the  inside  of  the  walk,  closest 
to  the  wall,  to  his  social  superiors,  might  himself  be 
the  master  of  the  town  which  he  regards  with  such 
calm  assurance.  A  writer  on  Mexico  hi  the  early 
days  records  his  astonishment  at  the  assurance  of 

224 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

the  driver  of  the  mule  pack-train  with  which  his 
carriage  traveled  through  some  of  the  bandit- 
ridden  country  and  quoted  the  peroration  of  "  Jose 
Maria  Sanchez,  arriero  (mule  driver)  of  Mexico", 
who  told,  with  truth,  of  the  trust  which  was  put  hi 
him  by  great  hacendados  and  noble  families,  and 
how  that  trust  was  never  betrayed. 

For  all  this  apparent  contentment  of  the  Mexi- 
cans of  the  various  classes  with  their  positions  there 
is  a  very  significant  psychological  factor  in  the  rela- 
tionships of  the  different  classes  to  one  another. 
The  upper-class  Mexican — and  this  is  truest  of  the 
old  aristocracy  of  pre-revolutionary  days — has  a 
considerable  conception  of  responsibilities.  True,  he 
does  not  always  live  up  to  this  conception,  but  that 
is  rather  the  fault  of  his  social  system  than  of  his 
personal  or  indeed  his  group  psychology. 

The  upper-class  Mexican  regards  the  lower  with 
a  strange  mixture  of  distance  and  brotherhood. 
Eternally  their  instinct  is  to  consider  themselves  as 
a  people  apart,  but  as  inevitably  they  return  to  the 
consciousness  of  their  unity  with  the  lower  classes 
and  of  the  singleness  of  the  national  problem.  In 
all  his  discouragement,  in  all  the  misery  of  his  exile, 
the  high-class  Mexican  of  to-day  looks  upon  Mexico 
as  home,  knows  how  the  national  problem  affects 
his  life  and  his  family  and  seeks  no  other  outlet  than 
the  regeneration  of  Mexico  itself.  A  denizen  of 
European  capitals,  often  a  voluntary  expatriate,  he 
is  still  at  heart  a  Mexican,  bound  to  her  by  ties  as 
deep  and  sincere  as  those  which  bind  the  English- 
man in  distant  colonies  to  England. 

225 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

To  him,  whether  he  watches  in  Mexico  or  from 
exile,  the  peon  and  the  Indian  are  somewhat  half- 
human,  happy  when  crops  are  good  and  work  is 
plenty,  miserable  when  the  rains  fail  or  work  is 
gone.  The  responsibility  is  on  the  aristocrat,  as 
he  knows  only  too  well,  and  sometimes  he  grows 
weary  with  its  hopelessness,  longing  to  turn  his 
back  upon  it,  but  never  really  forgetting,  never 
really  shirking, — so  far  as  his  knowledge  and 
wisdom  may  go. 

Racially,  the  conflict  of  the  individuals  within  the 
crowd  has  definite  reactions  which  influence  the 
whole.  The  white  Creole  and  foreigner  look  upon 
the  Indian  and  upon  the  mestizo  with  a  certain  smug 
tolerance,  for  the  conscious  superiority  of  the 
European  and  the  man  of  European  blood  is  an 
axiom  of  all  the  world.  The  disdain  with  which  one 
class  looks  on  another  can  and  has  been  fanned 
into  wrath  and  into  war  and  destruction  at  various 
periods  in  Mexico's  history.  This  feeling  has  a 
conventional  form  hi  the  various  race  divisions. 
The  Indian,  for  instance,  is  the  football  of  all  other 
classes.  A  government  report  of  1886  speaks  of  "a 
people  converted  into  a  pack  of  wolves  which  is 
managed  with  .  .  .  harshness. "  A  Mexican  writer 
describes  the  Indians  as  "a  parasitic  race  lacking  in 
applied  will."  The  Indian,  on  his  part,  returns 
the  compliment.  He  despises  the  mestizo  and  hat- 
ing the  whites,  as  he  has  been  roused  to  doing  when 
it  has  suited  the  convenience  of  revolutionaries  and 
bandits,  has  taken  the  chief  part  in  hundreds  of  up- 
risings against  his  alleged  oppressors,  whether 

226 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

Spaniards,  Frenchmen,  Creoles  or  mestizo  bureau- 
crats under  Diaz. 

During  the  period  when  class  lines  were  identical 
with  those  of  race — that  is  in  Colonial  times  and 
in  the  early  days  of  the  Independence — caste  an- 
tagonisms were  always  sharply  defined.  The  for- 
eigner has  ever  been  more  or  less  a  common 
enemy,  but  the  Creole  was  regarded  by  the  mestizo, 
and  Indian  as  very  nearly  as  much  of  a  foreigner 
as  the  Spaniard  from  whom  he  came.  The  1910 
revolution  has  been  described  as  a  " Boxer"  up- 
rising against  the  foreigners,  and  indeed  the  list 
of  charges  made  by  General  Bernado  Reyes  against 
the  Diaz  administration  were  almost  entirely  con- 
cerned with  anti-foreign  and  chiefly  anti- American 
problems,  and  race  antagonism  and  race  jealousy 
thus  became  national  fetishes. 

The  most  significant  development  of  the  race 
classes  in  Mexico  is,  however,  the  patriarchal  sys- 
tem. Its  origin  goes  back  to  the  time  of  the 
Spaniards  and  beyond  them  into  the  communal 
organization  of  the  Aztecs,  and  its  history  brings 
us  down  to  the  Diaz  regime.  " Abolished"  finally 
by  constitutions  and  edicts,  it  still  continues  in  that 
mightier  source  of  power,  the  will  of  the  people. 
The  Indian,  lost  in  the  mazes  of  Spanish  culture 
and  mestizo  administration,  clung  like  a  drowning 
man  to  the  traditional  system  which  was  all  he  had 
known  for  centuries. 

This  suits  the  economics  of  his  existence,  for, 
improvident  by  nature,  he  cannot  understand  the 
need  of  making  his  labor  build  not  only  for  to-day 

227 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

but  for  a  possible  to-morrow  of  misfortune.  The 
Indian,  therefore,  prefers  to  work  his  little  farm  on 
" shares"  with  the  owner  of  the  hacienda,  for  then  if 
his  crops  fail  the  hacendado  will  take  care  of  him. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  the  Indian  is  the  proprietor 
and  if,  through  inadequate  rainfall  or  his  own  inept- 
itude, his  farm  produces  nothing,  he  faces  starva- 
tion and  is  more  than  likely  to  succumb  to  it,  or  to 
find  his  way  into  the  army  or  to  the  inhospitable 
cities. 

The  patriarchal  system  is  thus  a  most  important 
psychological  fact  in  Mexico.  All  who  have 
handled  Mexican  labor  know  that  those  who  suc- 
ceed best  with  it  are  those  who  approach  nearest 
to  a  paternalistic  attitude.  It  may  be  impossible  for 
the  manager  of  a  big  plant  to  know  all  of  his 
employees  by  their  first  name,  to  know  the  family 
history,  how  many  children  there  are,  and  every- 
thing connected  with  the  household,  but  unless  the 
manager  or  employer  does  know  this,  the  work- 
man feels  that  the  proper  interest  is  not  being  taken, 
and  he  broods  over  this  neglect  until  he  feels 
that  the  employer  is  not  treating  him  fairly,  where- 
upon he  is  willing  to  be  as  disloyal  as  he  would  be 
loyal  under  other  circumstances. 

The  long  ramifications  of  the  patriarchal  system 
start,  properly,  with  the  hacienda.  Through  the 
paternal  aid  of  the  great  landowners  of  the  early 
days,  a  whole  people  was  carried  upon  the  shoulders 
of  a  single  class  of  rich  and  intelligent  individuals. 
Communism  and  feudalism  were  there  thrown  to- 
gether and  mixed  under  conditions  which  brought 

228 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

forth  elements  of  destruction  and  elements  of  im- 
perishable solidity.  The  system  bred  an  immense 
class  of  dependents,  ready  tools  of  the  propaganda 
of  the  discontented  and  ambitious,  but  the  sys- 
tem also  furnished  and  continues  to  furnish  a  solid 
background  of  invested  capital  and  property  rights 
which  have  made  it  possible  for  Mexico  to  survive 
all  the  horrors  which  have  come  upon  her. 

It  seems  doubtful  if  Mexico  would  long  retain 
either  her  national  form  or  even  the  gains  of  her 
" borrowed"  civilization  without  the  system  of 
dependence.  It  is  significant  that  under  Obregon 
Villa,  the  arch  " patriot7',  found  that  a  hacienda  was 
the  most  natural  and  proper  place  to  which  he 
might  retire  during  his  period  of  idleness  while 
enjoying  his  pension  from  Obregon. 

Villa's  acceptance  of  the  hacienda  as  his  natural 
retreat  after  the  years  of  his  battle  for  place  and 
power  emphasizes  another  phase  of  the  caste  sys- 
tem. This  is  the  social  ladder,  which  operates  in 
Mexico  according  to  much  the  same  principles 
under  which  it  operates  in  England,  for  instance. 
The  analogy  is  only  academic,  but  it  is  a  fact  that 
in  Mexico,  as  in  England,  the  highest  honors  of  the 
land,  including  place  in  the  aristocracy,  are  within 
the  reach  of  every  citizen.  This  is  more  than  the 
mere  effulgence  of  democratic  ideals,  for  the  social 
ladder  of  Mexico  has  one  particular  factor  which 
does  not  appear  in  the  social  system  of  the  United 
States,  for  instance.  It  works  to  lift  every  indi- 
vidual who  is  above  the  average  completely  out  of 
his  group,  and  thus,  by  his  advancement,  to  rob 

229 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

the  lower  and  middle  classes  of  the  vitality  and 
intelligence  which  make  the  middle  classes  of  the 
United  States,  for  instance,  so  vivid  a  factor  in  the 
national  life. 

So  far,  Mexico  has  failed  to  create  a  true  middle 
class.  This  has  been  partially  due  to  the  continuous 
upsetting  of  the  settled  regimes  which  are  indis- 
pensable to  such  a  development.  Fundamentally, 
however,  it  goes  back  to  the  operation  of  the  social 
ladder,  which  has  raised  every  mind  of  intelligence 
or  even  of  keenness  immediately  out  of  its  own  class 
and  into  some  branch  of  the  aristocracy.  In  times 
of  revolution  such  men  become  predatory  generals, 
officious  bureaucrats,  or  new  hacendados.  In  normal 
periods,  the  social  ladder  operates  to  drain  the  best 
blood  out  of  the  lower  and  middle  classes  to  the 
ranks  of  lawyers,  doctors,  politicians  and  priests  of 
the  Church.  The  drain  up  the  social  ladder  is  con- 
tinuous, and  revolutions  seem  only  to  accentuate 
the  process,  never  to  change  it. 

The  age-long  dependence  on  aristocracy  which  is 
so  characteristic  of  the  Mexican  mind  and  of  Mexi- 
can history  again  works  to  pull  every  possible 
leader  out  of  his  environment  and  into  the  ranks  of 
government.  It  is  the  very  power  of  this  suction 
that  makes  the  intellectual  level  of  Mexican  leaders 
so  low;  they  are  drawn  upward  by  yawning  oppor- 
tunity long  before  they  have  developed  their 
meager  powers  to  the  standards  which  civilization 
demands  of  the  leaders  of  any  people.  The  result  is 
the  tragic  picture  of  Mexican  life  and  government 
dominated  by  individuals  unequipped  in  every  way 

230 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

save  in  personal  force  to  cope  with  their  problems. 
Their  continuous  failure  and  their  equally  con- 
tinuous inability  to  grasp  the  reasons  for  their  fail- 
ure only  emphasize  our  great  primary  thesis  that 
the  supreme  responsibility  for  action  and  the  ghastly 
failure  in  action  of  the  Mexican  national  group  rest 
on  the  shoulders  of  those  who  occupy  positions  of 
power. 

In  whatever  way  we  start  on  the  Mexican  prob- 
lem, by  way  of  the  individual  or  by  way  of  the  race 
or  the  class  group,  or  through  the  will  organizations 
of  the  more  general  type,  we  inevitably  reach  this 
point,  whether  we  will  or  no.  In  the  individual, 
the  need  is  for  education,  and  education  must  in- 
evitably come  through  those  who  are  equipped  to 
teach  and  have  the  executive  energy  to  organize. 
In  the  race  and  class  groups  we  find,  despite  our 
desire  to  wander  far  afield  into  the  byways  of 
autonomous,  self-sufficient,  organization,  that  we 
come  back  again  to  the  responsibility  of  the  upper 
classes,  of  those  who  have  the  power  and  the  will 
to  control  and  to  lead.  In  the  will  organizations  we 
reach  this  end  once  more,  through  subtler  reason- 
ings and  perforce  by  more  careful  analysis. 

The  Mexican  prefers  to  work  in  groups,  and  in 
groups  he  finds  his  greatest  success.  He  lives  hi 
towns  and  not  in  isolated  farms;  he  works  in  groups 
in  the  fields  and  not  alone;  if  he  finds  that  part  of 
the  group  is  put  at  special  work,  his  crude  ideas  of 
communistic  effort  inspire  him  to  rebel  and  even  to 
strike  against  separation  or  favoritism.  If  he  is 
offered,  in  the  group,  extra  pay  for  better  work,  he 

231 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

will  strike  for  "  better  pay  for  equal  work",  a  prin- 
ciple not  instilled  from  without,  but  part  of  the 
inbred  communism  of  centuries. 

Yet  always  in  such  group  organization  the  typical 
Mexican  seeks  to  attach  himself  to  a  master,  to 
some  sort  of  chieftain  on  whom  he  can  rely  in  crises. 
The  strongest  practical  unit  hi  Mexico  is  the  house- 
hold, the  kin  organization,  and  included  in  it  the 
entire  army  of  servants  which  a  Mexican  household 
requires.  Instinctively  the  peon  is  not  a  drifter, 
moving  from  one  job  to  another,  but  prefers  to 
work  and  stay  in  one  family  for  generations.  All 
this  is  patriarchy,  and  it  goes  to  the  very  heart  of 
the  group  and  individual  life  of  Mexico.  By  the 
test  of  the  feminine  attitude — and  that  is  likely  to 
be  the  clearest  expression  of  the  group  idea — this 
goes  so  far  into  the  ideas  of  the  crowd  that  it  leaves 
the  seeker  after  a  purely  philosophical  answer  to 
the  Mexican  uprisings  without  a  way  to  turn. 
During  one  of  the  violent  outbreaks  following  the 
radical  propaganda  in  the  State  of  Morelos,  the 
men  workers  on  a  certain  hacienda  were  making 
speeches  and  howling  with  approbation  (with  inev- 
itable crowd  stampede)  for  those  who  told  them  that 
the  deepest  desire  of  their  hearts  was  for  land,  land, 
land.  But  in  the  outskirts  of  the  crowd  were  half  a 
dozen  peon  women,  with  their  husbands  in  tow, 
grumbling  audibly  to  their  enthusiastic  spouses: 
"Fool,  thou;  what  we  want  is  not  land  but  a  good 
master  and  regular  work  to  keep  thee  busy." 

Scientifically,  the  basis  for  the  extraordinary  de- 
pendence of  the  Mexican  on  his  aristocracy  (using 

232 


THE  MEXICAN  CROWD 

the  term  in  the  sense  of  the  true  elite)  lies  in  the 
very  likeness  of  the  race  material  which  makes  up 
the  nation.  All  careful  students  of  the  Mexican 
people,  whether  native  or  foreign,  recognize  the 
homogeneity  in  the  broadly  distributed  caste  group- 
ings and  in  the  nation  as  a  whole — a  homogeneity 
which  the  more  superficial  observer  utterly  loses  in 
his  appreciative  notice  of  the  distinctions  of  classes 
and  communities  and  tribes.1  This  homogeneity  is 
everywhere  evident,  so  that  a  Mexican,  whether  he 
be  Creole  or  Indian,  or  any  of  the  gradations  be- 
tween, has  a  method  of  thought  and  an  attitude 
toward  the  problems  of  his  people  which  is  often 
surprisingly  unified.  For  this  reason,  the  ideas 
which  sweep  over  Mexico,  the  sudden  stampede  to 
this  or  that  system  of  government,  or  plan  of  pro- 
cedure, seem  to  come  from  what  to  us  who  look  on 
from  without  is  a  most  inadequate  stimulus.  The 
last  word  in  the  philosophy  of  group  psychology 
confirms  us: 

It  takes  a  stronger  stimulation  to  obtain  like  reactions  from 
individuals  of  different  color-races  or  of  different  ethnic  stocks 
of  the  same  color-race  than  it  does  to  obtain  like  reactions 
from  individuals  of  the  same  stock  or  race.2 

Here,  then,  is  the  opportunity,  hi  this  power  of 
homogeneity,  for  the  higher  types  of  Mexicans  to 
raise  and  to  uplift  those  of  the  lower  ranks  of  intel- 
ligence. The  same  great  authority  just  quoted, 

lCf.  "The  People  of  Mexico,"  Book  I,  Chapter  II,  pages  14 
et  seq. 

2  F.  H.  Giddings,  "Pluralistic  Behavior,"  American  Journal  of 
Sociology,  January,  1920,  Volume  XXV,  page  392. 

233 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Professor  Giddings,  expresses  the  "law  of  concerted 
volition"  in  these  terms: 

The  percentage  number  of  individuals  participating  in  a 
collective  decision  diminishes  as  the  intellectual  quality  of  the 
decision  rises.1 

Thus  the  hope  of  Mexico  must,  by  the  very  laws 
of  psychology,  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  those  few 
who  are  capable  of  making  the  higher  decisions,  and 
who,  by  their  blood  and  training,  are  able  to  bring 
the  executive  force  to  finishing  it. 

Mexico's  chaos  is  not  due  to  her  lack  of  what 
the  psychologists  call  "like-mindedness",  but  to  her 
existence  on  those  lower  planes  of  desires  which 
have,  as  yet,  barely  lifted  her  above  the  level  of 
the  beasts  on  to  the  ecogenetic  plane.  Just  because 
she  is  like-minded,  she  will,  if  lifted  with  under- 
standing and  taught  with  genuine  devotion,  move 
along  the  road  of  true  advancement  and  true  service 
to  her  own  great  place  hi  the  world.  The  differences 
between  the  upper  and  the  lowest  classes  are  im- 
material. The  brother  who  lives  and  thinks  on  the 
higher  plane  (although  it  be  but  a  little  higher)  is 
willing  and  anxious — and  now  knows  how — to  stoop 
and  to  uplift. 

1F.  H.  Giddings,  "Pluralistic  Behavior,"  American  Journal  of 
Sociology,  January,  1920,  Volume  XXV,  page  398. 


234 


CHAPTER  X 

THE   CAULDRON   OF   POLITICS 

THE  sorriest  pictures  in  the  whole  gallery  of 
Mexican  group  behavior  are  those  of  the 
nation's  political  history.  From  the  "Grito  de 
Dolores",  the  rallying  cry  of  the  first  uprising  against 
Spain  on  September  16,  1810,  to  the  latest  opera- 
bouffe  "  re  volution "  of  yesterday,  the  record  is 
drab  with  ugly  personalities  and  hideous  with  un- 
speakable crimes.  Here  and  there  only  in  the  long 
panorama  are  peaks  which  seem  to  mark  moments 
of  devotion  and  idealism;  but  even  these  shrink, 
under  observation,  toward  the  ugly  level  of  the  rest. 
No  more  caustic  critics  of  Mexican  political  life 
can  be  found  than  the  wiser  and  saner  Mexican 
students  of  their  own  people.  One  of  these1  has 
described  the  great  fundamental  evil  in  these  words : 

1  Toribio  Esquivel  Obregon,  "La  Influencia  de  Espana  y  los 
Estados  Unidos  Sobre  Mexico,"  Casa  Editorial  Calleja,  Madrid, 
1918,  page  98.  For  the  examples  in  this  chapter  and  elsewhere 
in  this  book  the  author  is  in  deep  debt  to  this  great  scholar.  The 
book  from  which  this  quotation  is  taken  is  the  most  illuminat- 
ing comparison  of  political  conditions  in  Mexico  and  the  United 
States  that  has  been  printed  in  any  language.  It  is  based  on 
Lord  Bryce's  "The  American  Commonwealth,"  with  Doctor 
Esquivel  Obregon's  own  interpretation  of  Mexico's  governmental 
system. 

235 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

The  history  of  Mexico  does  not  present  a  single  case  of  ad- 
justment to  principle  and  to  social  interest;  it  presents  an 
infinitude  of  personal  compromises. 

The  very  foundations  of  the  Mexican  political 
system  are  personal.  The  search  in  Mexican  crises 
is  not  for  a  principle,  but  for  a  man  to  lead,  and  the 
names  of  the  movements  which  take  the  place  of 
political  parties  are  formed  of  the  names  of  the 
men  who  lead  them;  the  supporters  of  Porfirio 
Diaz  were  ever  the  "Profiristas",  never  a  true  party 
name  or  a  coalition  of  parties;  and  so  down  the 
line  to  to-day,  Maderistas,  Carrancistas,  Obre- 
gonistas.  Save  only  when  the  division  was  based 
on  the  religious  classification  were  there  real  parties, 
Conservatives  and  Liberals, — but  to-day  all  "  par- 
ties" are  subdivisions  of  the  Liberals,  all  personal 
even  when  masquerading  under  special  but  tem- 
porary titles. 

Aside  from  the  personalities  supported,  there  is 
literally  no  difference  in  aims,  or  in  promises. 
Mexican  politics  does  not  divide  itself  on  questions 
of  policy,  and  all  who  are  interested  in  Mexican 
political  movements  seek  to  discover  the  personal 
ideas  of  the  candidates,  never  the  spirit  of  the 
community.  For  the  candidate  chosen  will  be 
elected  on  his  popularity  or  power  or  on  the  sup- 
port he  gets  from  the  strongest  faction  (usually  the 
faction  in  power).  On  this,  Doctor  Esquivel 
Obregon  speaks  with  distressing  frankness : 

Reading  the  programs  (or  platforms)  of  the  political  parties, 
Mexico  would  appear  to  be  a  country  where  all  is  harmony 
and  peace,  because  substantially  there  are  no  differences  in 

236 


THE  CAULDRON  OF  POLITICS 

aspirations;  only  it  is  customary  to  have  variations  in  details. 
.  .  .  The  motives  which  attract  public  opinion  to  a  candidate 
are  not  his  moral  or  intellectual  qualities  but  the  probability 
of  his  triumph  on  account  of  the  support  on  which  he  can 
count.1 

It  is  this  so-called  "personalism"  in  politics 
which  has  been  the  bane  of  Mexican  government 
throughout  the  whole  history  of  the  independence. 
It  saturates  Mexico  and  gives  the  outside  world 
good  reason  indeed  for  its  belief  that  the  only  hope 
of  Mexico  is  in  the  control  of  its  government  by  a 
man  who  will  use  the  "iron  hand." 

This  tradition,  which  had  its  origin  hi  Mexico 
itself,  is  so  deeply  rooted  that  only  an  appreciation 
of  Mexican  psychology  will  make  it  possible  for  us 
to  vary  the  conception.  The  facts  of  Mexican 
history  demonstrate  the  action  of  that  psychology, 
and  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  so  far  back  as  the 
beginning  of  the  Spanish  regime,  and  throughout  the 
three  hundred  years  of  Spanish  rule,  the  only 
failures  in  government  were  in  times  when  the 
mailed  fist  was  used  with  unthinking  force  upon 
the  natives  and  the  native-born  mixed  and  white 
bloods. 

The  Mexican  is  ever  a  follower  of  leaders 
rather  than  of  ideas,  but  those  leaders,  while  they 
must  be  strong,  must  on  the  other  hand  lead, 
rather  than  drive.  The  great  example,  in  our 
usual  way  of  thinking  of  Mexico,  is  our  regarding 
the  success  of  Diaz  as  due  to  his  strong  hand  over 

1Toribio  Esquivel  Obregon,  "La  Influencia  de  Espana  y  los 
Estados  Unidos  Sobre  Mexico,"  page  126. 

237 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

the  government.  In  reality  his  strength  came  from 
the  wisdom  with  which,  in  the  very  beginning  of 
his  rule,  he  brought  all  elements  to  compromise  and 
used  his  force,  not  to  control  his  supporters,  but  to 
destroy  only  the  open  enemies  of  the  country. 
We  can  look  back  on  the  factors  which  brought 
about  his  fall, — the  sudden  cruelties  of  his  murder 
of  the  striking  workmen  in  the  Orizaba  cotton  mills, 
his  forcing  on  the  country  an  unpopular  man  for 
vice-president,  and  his  forgetting,  in  his  old  age,  his 
traditionally  friendly  and  benevolent  interest  in 
the  affairs  of  the  common  people.  It  seems  indeed 
that  his  political  death  came  chiefly  through  his 
too  heavy  use  of  his  power  and  the  abuses  which 
his  officials  perpetrated  in  the  name  of  the  "  Iron 
Hand  of  Diaz." 

At  the  root  of  this  theory  of  personalism  and  the 
need  of  the  iron  hand  (shared  alike,  remember,  by 
the  Mexican  and  the  foreign  observer)  is  the  as- 
tonishing political  history  of  Mexico.  A  brief 
explanation  is  necessary  to  any  understanding  of 
the  complicated  psychology  of  Mexican  politics. 

The  most  colossal  and  disastrous  effect  of  that 
imitative  faculty  which  has  come  down  through 
Indian  tune  and  persists  so  forcibly  in  the  Mexican 
of  to-day  has  appeared  in  the  succeeding  systems 
of  government.  From  the  time  of  the  early  in- 
vasions of  the  conquering  Nahua  tribes1  when  then- 
methods  of  rule,  their  gods  and  their  kings  were 
forced  upon  the  conquered  peoples  age  after  age, 

1  Cf.  "The  People  of  Mexico,"  Book  I,  chapter  i,  for  an  outline 
of  the  Indian  history  of  Mexico. 

238 


THE  CAULDRON  OF  POLITICS 

down  to  the  phenomenon  of  the  spread  of  European 
socialism  among  the  Mexicans  of  to-day,  Mexico 
has  ever  been  a  borrower  of  government  and 
political  systems  from  outside  herself.  In  all  that 
long  history  of  more  than  two  thousand  years,  we 
look  in  vain  for  even  a  spark  of  desire  for  or  the 
slightest  attempt  to  apply  the  people's  own  remedies 
to  their  own  political  ills. 

Passing  over  the  Indian  invasions  and  their  com- 
plete upturning  of  social,  political  and  religious  sys- 
tems at  frequent  intervals,  we  come  to  the  glowing 
example  of  Spain,  which  in  her  three  centuries  of 
rule  forced  down  upon  the  Indians  the  government 
and  the  religion  as  well  as  the  language  of  the 
Iberian  conquerors.  The  success  of  the  religion, 
at  least,  was  proof  of  but  one  thing,  and  that  was 
not  the  all-conquering  universality  of  the  Church 
of  Rome,  but  rather  the  docility  and  adaptability 
of  the  Indians.  The  whole  system  of  the  laws  and 
usages  of  Mexico,  as  we  have  seen  above,  came  from 
outside  herself,  direct  and  practically  unchanged 
from  the  Spanish  provinces.  This  Spanish  sys- 
tem lasted  for  so  long  and  was  so  thoroughly  en- 
forced that  it  seems  indeed  as  if  it  had  become  part 
and  parcel  of  the  very  life  of  the  country.  It  per- 
sisted through  many  revolutions  and  through  the 
peace  of  Diaz,  but  as  we  look  back  on  it  in  the 
light  of  the  reversion  to  Indianism  which  seems  to 
be  gripping  the  country  in  recent  years,  we  have  a 
new  realization  of  the  instability  of  the  Spanish 
as  well  as  of  all  the  later  grafts  upon  the  parent 
stem  of  Indianism. 

239 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

For  the  grafting  did  not  end  with  the  fall  of 
Spanish  rule.  Almost  at  once  there  began  a  new 
borrowing  of  ideas.  The  uprising  of  the  Indians 
under  Hidalgo  in  1810  was  rather  against  all  the 
whites  than  merely  against  Spain.  But  Indian  in- 
competence let  the  banner  fall  from  its  loose  grip, 
and  it  was  not  until  1823  that  the  real  independence 
was  achieved.  And  by  what  and  by  whom? 
By  the  spirit  of  the  " Rights  of  Man",  borrowed 
from  France  and  the  United  States  and  carried  by 
the  native-born  whites  or  Creoles  of  Mexico.  Like 
the  native-born  whites  of  the  present  United  States, 
they  decided  that  they,  too,  were  as  good  as  the 
Europeans,  and  so  wrote  their  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence. Borrowed,  all  of  it,  a  rebellion  steeped 
in  the  blood  of  the  white  men  and  not  in  the  soil 
of  Mexico. 

But  their  " rights  of  man"  were  short-lived,  and 
soon  they  were  inviting  Ferdinand  VII  of  Spain  to 
rule  over  Mexico,  in  his  exile  from  Madrid.  The 
royal  idea  was  thus  implanted,  and  a  Mexican 
creole,  Agustin  Iturbide,  crowned  himself  emperor. 
Afterward  the  republic  again,  and  with  it,  after 
many  vicissitudes,  a  new  constitution,  borrowed, 
practically  complete,  from  the  constitution  of  the 
new  United  States  of  America.  Mexico,  whose 
hope  was  in  her  entity,  formed  herself  into  a  federal 
republic,  with  sovereign  States — where  no  States 
had  existed — because,  forsooth,  the  United  States 
was  making  a  fine  go  of  it,  and  success  is  contagious. 
Sight  was  lost  entirely  of  the  fact  that  the  Federal 
republic  of  the  United  States  was  the  result  of  the 

240 


THE  CAULDRON  OF  POLITICS 

only  possible  form  of  union  that  could  be  devised 
between  thirteen  rebelling  colonies,  each  of  which 
had  been  almost  as  distinct,  governmentally,  as 
were  Mexico  and  Cuba  and  Florida  and  Peru,  the 
independent  Spanish  colonies. 

Briefly,  once  more,  the  sequence  of  the  republican 
borrowing  was  halted,  while  Maximilian,  brought 
from  Austria  to  save  Mexico  for  the  Conservatives, 
appeared  with  his  borrowed  European  court  and 
his  shiploads  of  silver  plate  and  royal  carriages,  to 
rule  as  Mexico's  second  emperor.  On  his  death  the 
republican  system  resumed  its  interrupted  way, — 
empires  were  not  successful,  and  therefore  not 
worth  imitating. 

Along  with  Mexico's  imitation  of  the  federal  form 
of  government  went  a  dozen  other  imitations  of 
the  American  constitution.  All  of  these  have  had 
but  one  net  result  in  Mexican  history  since  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  1857, — the  living 
of  a  political  lie,  for  Mexico  has  never,  since  that 
day,  lived  up  to  more  than  the  most  casual  literal- 
ness  of  that  document.  She  has  been  governed, 
whenever  she  had  peace,  by  a  despot  sitting  in  the 
central  power  and  appointing  the  supposedly  elec- 
tive governors  and  all  their  staffs.  She  has  been 
judged,  when  she  has  had  justice,  by  a  despot  dic- 
tating the  major  principles  of  law  and  such  detailed 
decisions  as  were  of  national  or  political  importance. 
She  has  had  elections  with  "free  and  unlimited 
suffrage"  which  have  been  hopeless  farces,  as  they 
must  inevitably  be  in  a  population  whose  illiteracy 
is,  by  the  best  estimates,  at  least  ninety  per  cent. 

241 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Hardly  a  provision  of  the  beautiful  Anglo-Saxon 
constitution  has  been  lived  up  to,  when  Mexico 
has  been  at  peace.  And  when  she  has  been  in  revo- 
lution, the  sacred  document  has  been  used  only  as 
a  battle  flag. 

But  all  this  does  not  lead,  as  one  might  expect, 
to  a  justification  of  the  newer  constitution,  that  of 
1917.  For  that  is  a  document  even  less  adapted 
than  its  predecessor  to  Mexico's  needs.  The  Con- 
stitution of  1857  sought,  at  least,  to  meet  Mexico's 
larger  problems  and  was  capable  of  revision  and 
amendment.  The  Constitution  of  1917,  while  it 
contains  pages  of  repetitions  from  the  older  docu- 
ment has  virtually  nullified  them  by  other  sections. 
In  its  most  vital  articles,  such  as  those  confiscating 
private  property,  providing  special  labor  legislation, 
etc.,  the  inspiration  was  never  the  need  of  Mexico, 
but  the  idea  of  the  foreign  radicals  or  the  foreign- 
trained  Mexican  radicals  who  dominated  the  con- 
stitutional convention  and  drove  its  illiterate  mem- 
bers wherever  they  willed.  The  only  factor  of 
Mexican  psychology  which  these  special  "new" 
and  "advanced"  sections  feed  is  that  of  cupidity 
and  vengeance,  and  those  are  qualities  not  essen- 
tially Mexican,  and  certainly  hardly  vital  to  the 
regeneration  of  the  country. 

So  these  have  been  the  curtains,  borrowed  all  of 
them  from  other  lands  and  other  races,  behind  which 
the  psychological  drama  of  true  Mexican  govern- 
ment and  politics  has  been  played  out.  Always 
there  has  been  but  one  chief  object,  the  appearance 
of  progress,  never  the  simple  object  of  being  really 

242 


THE  CAULDRON  OF  POLITICS 

peaceful  and  progressive  and  helpful  to  the  unfortu- 
nate of  the  land.  Never,  moreover,  has  it  earnestly 
sought  to  achieve  that  high  place  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world  to  which  the  Mexicans  lay  such  elaborate 
claim. 

The  result  has  been  and  is  to-day  this  disparity 
between  the  written  constitution  and  the  true  char- 
acteristics of  the  Mexican  people.  From  the  begin- 
ning of  the  nineteenth  century,  Mexico  has  sought 
to  appear  before  the  world  as  a  " democratic" 
nation.  Yet  in  all  that  period  there  has  probably 
been  not  one  government  which  has  actually  been 
so,  with  the  possible  exception  of  that  of  Madero 
at  the  very  beginning  of  its  brief  life,  a  condition 
which  can  be  credited  largely  to  the  fact  that  it 
was  then  using  the  inherited  political  machinery  of 
Diaz,  directed  toward  democratic  ends. 

Up  to  the  time  of  Diaz  there  had  been  seventy- 
two  governments  since  the  first  rebellion  against 
Spain,  and  virtually  all  these  had  been  merely  de 
facto  organizations  controling  sections  of  the  coun- 
try; only  twelve  had  legal  recognition,  and  the 
others  were,  as  a  Mexican  revolutionist  has  re- 
marked, "  grotesque  tyrannies  and  shameless  usur- 
pations." During  the  hundred  years  of  independ- 
ence there  have  been  about  eight  hundred  revolu- 
tions, but  only  three  of  them  have  been  national 
in  their  scope, — that  begun  by  Hidalgo;  that  of 
Juarez,  and  that  of  Madero. 

Yet  revolution  has  been  the  great  manifestation 
of  political  activity  in  Mexico.  This  is  unquestion- 
able, for  in  all  her  history  no  political  party  or 

243 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

faction  has  come  to  power  by  any  means  but 
revolution.  Whenever  there  has  been  change  of 
government  by  election,  it  has  been  because  it  was 
desirable,  in  the  eyes  of  those  in  control,  to  put 
some  one  else  in  office, — the  great  example  is  of 
course  the  four  years  "  interregnum "  of  Gonzales 
between  Diaz's  first  and  second  terms. 

Indeed  this  custom  of  revolution  as  a  political 
activity  also  has  its  roots  in  the  imitation  of  foreign 
forms.  It  is  literally  true  that  from  the  pre- 
Diaz  revolutions  down  to  those  of  the  recent  past, 
the  justification  offered  for  the  excesses  and  the 
horrors  which  have  accompanied  them  (and  for  then* 
very  existence,  in  fact)  has  been  the  French  Revolu- 
tion. The  defenders  of  the  Carranza  movement, 
for  example,  echo  their  masters  of  a  generation 
before  in  that  "no  social  progress  has  ever  been 
achieved  save  by  revolution."  They  forget,  as  the 
student  quoted  above1  has  expressed  it,  that  the 
French  Revolution  was  to  establish  rights  given  long 
before  and  not  to  overturn  a  system,  that  no 
progress  was  achieved  by  the  French  Revolution,  but 
only  in  the  periods  of  peace  which  finally  succeeded 
it.  He  says  later  that,  in  seeking  to  achieve  in- 
stitutions similar  to,  or  greater  than  those  of  the 
United  States,  Mexico  has  "  spilt  more  blood  than 
the  sweat  which  would  have  served  to  cultivate 
her  most  fertile  lands;  and  in  order  to  have  the 
satisfaction  of  imitating  the  French  Revolution  and 
of  saying  that  there  is  being  realized  in  this  country 
the  most  advanced  theories  of  contemporary 

1Toribio  Esquivel  Obregon,  op.  cit.,  pages  110,  113. 
244 


THE  CAULDRON  OF  POLITICS 

socialism,  the  whole  people  has  been  cast  into  tor- 
ment and  reduced  to  misery. " 

Posing  under  the  shadow  of  the  forms  of  democ- 
racy, Mexico  has  carried  on  her  politics  without 
even  the  salutary  influence  of  a  strong  opposition 
party.  Always  a  faction  has  been  in  full  control 
not  only  of  the  machinery  of  government  but  of  the 
machinery  of  "election",  and  death  has  been  the 
penalty  of  the  opposition  which  in  genuinely  demo- 
cratic lands  would  have  either  disappeared  into 
quiet  and  decent  retirement  or  survived  in  thor- 
oughly healthy  attacks  on  the  successful  govern- 
ment. Even  in  the  period  of  revolution  prior  to 
Diaz,  when  Conservatives  and  Liberals  switched 
places  with  bewildering  frequency  (but  always  as  a 
result  of  revolution),  there  was  no  true  political 
life,  for  each  was  either  completely  in  power  or 
completely  out  of  power,  and  the  " opposition" 
existed  only  in  hunted  armies  of  "  bandits." 

A  more  recent  example  brings  the  situation  close 
to  us.  After  Madero  had  established  his  govern- 
ment, a  promising  opposition  apparently  arose  in 
the  Catholic  party  in  Congress,  but  this  party  was 
so  suddenly  and  completely  destroyed  through  the 
machinations  of  Gustavo  Madero  that  its  single 
attempt  at  a  safe  and  sane  opposition  was  com- 
pletely quashed.  When  Francisco  de  la  Barra, 
former  ad  interim  president  of  the  republic  and  the 
recognized  leader  of  the  Catholic  party,  was  about 
to  return  from  Paris  to  Mexico  in  1912,  he  received 
a  cablegram  from  the  "  Circle  of  Friends  of  Fran- 
cisco Madero"  warning  him  that  if  he  came  to 

245 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Mexico  to  establish  himself,  as  he  planned,  as  a 
leader  of  the  Catholic  opposition  party  in  Con- 
gress, he  would  do  so  "at  his  own  peril  and  at  the 
peril  of  the  Mexican  nation."  De  la  Barra  had  no 
intention  of  attempting  in  any  way  to  organize  a 
revolution,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  he  then  had  any 
ambitions  for  the  presidency,  but  his  plan  to  organ- 
ize the  Catholic  party  as  a  healthy  opposition  to 
the  government  was  regarded  in  Mexico  as  at  its 
mildest  a  tentative  attempt  to  "discredit"  the 
Madero  regime.1 

As  this  is  written,  the  government  of  Obregon, 
tottering  in  its  niche,  has  no  true  opposition  in 
Congress  or  in  the  political  life  of  the  country. 
Those  who  oppose  him  are  regarded  darkly  as  trai- 
tors by  his  supporters  and  as  patriots  by  his  enemies. 
This  is  the  case  whether  the  opposition  be  from  con- 
gressmen, whose  lives  are  at  stake  (as  the  assassina- 
tion of  the  opposition  by  Huerta  amply  proved), 
or  from  political  opponents  who  wait  on  the  border 
to  form  armies  to  overthrow  him  or  who  are  even 
now  in  the  field  against  him.  It  is  a  condition 
frankly  recognized  by  the  Mexicans,  and  no  one 
thinks,  to-day,  of  upsetting  Obregon' s  policies 
save  by  threat  of  revolution  or  by  the  pressure  of 
possible  foreign  intervention. 

All  of  which  tends  to  demonstrate  only  the  utter 
inability  of  the  Mexican  mind  to  function  in  a 

1  The  author  was  in  Paris  at  the  time,  was  in  the  apartments 
of  Mr.  de  la  Barra  in  the  Hotel  Regina  when  the  cablegram  was 
received,  and  listened  to  the  discussion  which  finally  resulted 
in  Mr.  de  la  Barra's  returning  to  Mexico  by  way  of  Washington. 

246 


THE  CAULDRON  OF  POLITICS 

democracy.  The  very  system  of  State  divisions  in 
Mexico  (now  long  enough  established  to  have  be- 
come an  accepted  fact  of  the  national  life)  has  had, 
as  its  primary  result,  the  simplification  of  the  system 
of  revolutions  as  political  expedients.  A  governor  or 
a  local  celebrity  can  more  easily  work  his  will  in  a 
recognized  political  area  like  a  State  than  in  a 
unified  nation.  The  fact  that  Mexican  revolutions 
invariably  start  in  single  States,  and  that  the  pres- 
ent government  is,  as  we  have  seen,  virtually  a 
confederation  of  tribal  chieftains,  makes  the  State 
system  a  continued  invitation  to  national  suicide. 
The  Mexicans  themselves  trace  the  loss  of  Texas 
to  the  false  idea  of  State  entities  and  this  was  cer- 
tainly a  contributing  factor  to  the  secession.  But 
the  most  interesting  corollary  is  that  when  a  tribal 
chieftain  reaches  the  supreme  power,  as  Obregon 
has  reached  it  and  as  Diaz  reached  it  before  him, 
his  first  and  his  lasting  effort  is  to  destroy,  in 
actuality,  the  sense  of  separateness  which  gave  him 
his  first  opportunity  and  which  he  knows  well  will 
give  another  opportunity  to  a  later  rival.  But  none, 
not  even  Carranza  hi  his  new  constitution,  dared 
eliminate  the  federal  system, — it  means  too  much 
to  the  caciques  or  chieftains  to  whom,  hi  the  last 
analysis,  the  ruler  must  look  for  support. 

The  ability  of  the  Mexican  to  assimilate  de- 
mocracy was  discussed  by  Madero  in  his  famous 
book  on  the  " Presidential  Succession",  where  he 
wrote  that  "while  it  is  perhaps  true  that  eighty- 
four  per  cent,  of  the  people  are  handled  at  will  by 
the  government  and  the  Clergy",  his  observation  of 

247 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

the  meetings  held  in  Nuevo  Leon,  Yucatan  and 
Coahuila  proved  that  "our  people  are  generally  in- 
clined to  follow  those  who  are  more  to  their  liking." 
The  tragedy  with  which  Madero  was  betrayed  was 
a  ghastly  awakening  to  any  who  shared  his  belief 
in  the  ability  of  the  eighty-four  per  cent,  of  Mexico 
to  enjoy  democracy. 

Here,  however,  we  touch  a  deeper  phase  of  the 
problem,  the  utter  unreliability  of  the  Mexican  in 
facing  his  political  obligations.  The  fact  that  he 
elected  Madero  and  then  went  back  to  his  fields 
and  forgot  about  him;  that  in  the  next  turn  of 
events  he  agreed  to  fight  for  another  leader  who 
promised  him  everything  that  Madero  had  not  yet 
given  him  are  the  truest  indications  of  the  Mexican 
attitude  toward  politics  as  a  personal  game  where 
there  is  all  privilege  and  no  obligation. 

This  apathy  is  the  accumulated  result  of  years  of 
misunderstanding  and  tyranny,  and  only  years  of 
appreciation  and  education  can  eradicate  it.  The 
regime  which  marked  the  Spanish  tune  with  the 
Church,  the  nobles,  and  the  landholders  as  virtually 
kings  in  then:  realms  made  of  the  Indian  a  cautious 
soul  to  whom  the  power  of  his  masters  was  so  omni- 
present that  he  learned  to  look  only  to  the  hand 
that  fed  him  and  seldom  beyond  it.  Thus,  when 
anyone  asks  the  Indian  who  is  the  President  of 
Mexico,  he  replies,  "Quien  sdbe?"  or  will  even  re- 
peat the  name  of  the  president  of  his  little  village. 

Only  one  power  in  Mexico  seems  capable,  time 
after  time,  of  rousing  the  Indian  out  of  his  apathy, — 
politically  as  well  as  religiously.  This  power  is  the 

248 


THE  CAULDRON  OF  POLITICS 

Roman  Catholic  Church.  The  virility  and  ability 
of  recovery  of  the  Catholic  Church  needs  no  com- 
ment here,  but  it  is  perhaps  of  value  to  suggest  the 
chief  local  reason  for  its  permanence  under  perse- 
cution hi  Mexico  and  to  cite  examples  of  its  very 
virile  strength  in  the  political  life  of  the  country. 
Throughout  all  the  periods  of  Mexican  revolution 
it  has  been  the  Church,  and  the  Church  often  abso- 
lutely alone,  which  has  kept  the  fires  of  national 
conservative  patriotism  burning;  and  stable  Mexi- 
cans, even  though  not  Catholics,  have  always 
turned  to  it  as  the  first  and  the  last  sure  control  of 
the  passions  of  the  populace. 

The  power  of  the  Church  may  therefore  be  said 
never  to  have  been  truly  eclipsed.  Two  or  three 
instances  since  Diaz  seem  to  substantiate  this. 
After  Madero's  accession  the  returns  of  "the  first 
free  election  Mexico  ever  had"  undoubtedly  showed 
a  vast  number  of  Catholic  candidates  chosen  for 
congress  and  other  offices, — a  choice  which  was 
promptly  vitiated  by  official  action.  Toward  the 
end  of  his  rule  Carranza  was  frankly  fearful  of  the 
political  power  of  the  Church,  and  the  steady  devel- 
opments of  Mexican  politics  since  that  time  indi- 
cate a  growing  power  of  the  Catholic  element 
(whether  directed  by  the  hierarchy  or  not  is  unim- 
portant) as  a  possible  stabilizing  factor  in  Mexican 
politics.  These  conditions  are  of  themselves  sig- 
nificant of  the  recognition  by  the  politicians  of  the 
power  which  the  Church,  directly  or  indirectly, 
exercises  over  the  vast  body  of  ignorant  population 
existing  in  Mexico.  The  Catholics  have  always  con- 

249 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

tended  that  in  the  larger  sense  this  churchly  influ- 
ence was  for  good,  even  though  in  details  it  might 
seem  selfish  and  shortsighted.  This  carries  us  again 
into  the  larger  question  of  the  nature  of  politics  in 
Mexico,  where  the  unthinking  mass  must  always 
be  led  either  by  the  Church  or  by  the  demagogues; 
the  point  of  much  discussion  being  whether  the 
priest,  the  politician  or  the  soldier  is  the  better 
guide. 

The  pity  of  it  is  that,  needing  this  leadership  so 
badly,  the  Mexican  is  forced,  by  the  very  conditions 
of  his  history  and  of  his  psychology,  into  taking 
always  the  worst  leaders,  seeking  out  always  the 
poorest  guides  and  the  most  heartless  exploiters  of 
all  that  means  anything  to  his  body  or  his  soul. 
This  is  the  tragedy  of  group  life  everywhere,  but 
in  Mexico  the  tragedy  reaches  the  proportions  of  a 
holocaust.  In  Mexico  there  are  almost  no  public 
men.  There  are  orators  and  lawyers  and  philoso- 
phers, but  the  much  berated  yet  thoroughly  useful 
politician  does  not  exist.  There  is  no  opportunity,  no 
scheme  of  reward  for  the  "district  workers",  for 
those  simple  and  industrious  leaders  of  the  mass  who 
make  Anglo-Saxon  politics  at  once  the  most  human 
and  the  most  workable  of  democratic  instruments. 
Nothing  brings  Mexican  politics  "down  to  earth", 
and  it  sails  in  a  heaven  of  priestly  exhortations  or 
idealistic  oratory,  or  wallows  in  the  blood  and  mire 
of  revolution  and  graft;  there  is  nothing  between. 
Hear  the  plea,  for  Mexican  politics  and  the  Mexican 
people,  of  one  who  burns  with  the  intense  honesty 
of  his  purpose: 

250 


THE  CAULDRON  OF  POLITICS 

We  live  in  complete  delirium,  the  work  of  the  unhealthy 
literature  which  devastates  our  brains  and  the  seclusion  in 
which  we  are  held  forever,  far  from  the  political  realities. 
To  the  world  we  seem  criminals;  but  we  are  not,  for  we  are 
only  a  poor  organism  obsessed  by  the  most  cruel  suffering, 
racked  by  the  blackest  of  nightmares,  stripped  of  wisdom 
and  stripped  of  power  to  control  the  convulsions  of  its  malady; 
but  dreaming,  in  its  nakedness  and  impotence,  of  reaching 
the  summit  of  humanity,  of  realizing  the  as  yet  unrealized 
dream  of  human  equality,  of  setting  the  world  aright.  But 
if  we  are  fortunate,  the  day  will  come  when  the  calamity 
which  fate  brings  to  all  dreamers  will  bring  us  the  cure,  which 
at  rare  times  is  the  end  of  delirium;  then  it  will  appear  that 
our  soul  is -formed  of  the  same  wings  as  that  of  Alfonso  Quijano 
the  Good.1 

A  hope,  indeed,  and  perhaps  a  true  one.  But 
behind  the  hope,  and  wrapped  up  inexorably  with 
its  development,  is  the  basic  conception  of  the 
attitude  toward  the  State  and  the  government. 
This,  in  all  the  turbulence  of  its  manifestations, 
must  after  all  be  the  basis  of  both  political  thinking 
and  group  morality.  The  unanimity  of  the  Mexican 
group-mind  is  nowhere  more  patent.  Individual- 
istic as  the  Mexican  is  in  every  class,  he  regards  the 
law  as  something  devised  as  a  protection  for  him- 
self at  the  same  time  that  he  regards  himself  as 
above  the  law.  Mexican  justice  in  the  administra- 
tion of  laws  is  not  the  cold,  impersonal  force  which 
we  of  Anglo-Saxon  mind  have  come  to  believe  is 
the  only  form  which  justice  can  take.  The  lawyer 
before  the  Mexican  court  seeks  the  friendship  of 
the  judge  and  discusses  the  case  with  him  person- 
ally.  The  judge  in  his  turn  promises  that  "justice 

1  Toribio  Esquivel  Obregon,  op  cit.,  page  121. 
251 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

will  be  done",  and  that  justice  is  actually  done  in 
thousands  of  cases  is  testified  over  and  over  again 
by  all  who  dealt  with  Mexican  courts  in  the  days  of 
Diaz.  This  has  nothing  to  do  with  any  graft  or 
bribery  in  the  judicial  function.  The  notorious 
fact  that  the  courts  were  under  the  domination  of 
the  executive,  even  in  the  time  of  Diaz,  did  not 
mean  that  they  were  corruptible;  it  merely  meant 
what  Diaz  himself  stated, — that  the  "higher 
justice"  which  hung  upon  no  evidence  and  could 
not  be  defined  in  court  could  be  executed  best  from 
the  sanctum  of  the  dictator.  The  "dishonest" 
courts  of  Mexican  were  at  that  tune  a  manifestation 
not  of  bribes  but  a  state  of  mind  of  the  Mexican 
himself. 

Honesty  and  justice  are  relative  matters.  Courts 
of  absolute  justice  in  Mexico  would  not  only  be 
startling  to  the  natives,  but  would  probably  be 
considered  cruel  and  heartless  beyond  belief,  al- 
though Mexicans  do  recognize  the  possibility  of  an 
abstract  justice  beyond  what  has  been  dispensed 
by  Mexican  courts  since  Diaz  departed.  The 
Mexicans  have  a  growing  respect  for  American  and 
English  law  and  enforcement  of  law,  but  although 
they  voice  a  hope  that  some  day  Mexico  may 
furnish  similar  justice,  it  is  doubtful  if  its  impersonal 
application  would  be  immediately  popular. 

The  Mexican  will  have  to  travel  a  long  way 
before  he  will  reach  the  point  where  he  can  under- 
stand an  American  or  English  judge  deciding  against 
a  personal  friend  in  a  mere  matter  of  judicial  inter- 
pretation. The  average  Mexican,  for  instance,  will 

252 


THE  CAULDRON  OF  POLITICS 

find  nothing  out  of  the  ordinary  in  the  incident 
cited  by  Doctor  Esquivel  Obregon,  where  when 
three  cases  against  three  different  individuals  came 
up  for  decision,  on  identical  evidence  (for  the 
matter  all  dealt  with  a  single  incident)  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  nation  decided  one  of  the  cases  unani- 
mously for  the  plaintiff,  the  second  unanimously 
for  the  defendant,  and  the  third  for  the  plaintiff 
by  a  majority  vote, — and  the  briefs  were  identical, 
save  for  the  difference  in  the  names  of  the  de- 
fendants. 1 

The  attitude  of  the  office-holder  is  a  most  illum- 
inating phase  of  the  Mexican  relationship  to  the 
State.  Gustave  Le  Bon  wrote  that  "in  general 
and  fundamentally  the  political  problem  of  the 
Latin- American  demoracies  is  the  problem  of  public 
thieving.'7  In  this  is  summed  up  the  essence  of  the 
Mexican  attitude  toward  political  office,  itself  an 
unanswerable  charge  against  Mexican  "democ- 
racy." A  Mexican  official  seldom  considers  a  pub- 
lic office  as  a  public  trust.  A  prosperous  class  of 
citizens  has  been  built  up  in  the  lesser  bureaucrats 
upon  the  tacit  understanding  that  the  public  office 
can  be  used  as  an  opportunity  to  steal  and  to  graft. 
The  "milking"  of  public  office  and  of  those  who 
must  deal  with  such  an  office  has  long  .been  an  art 
in  Mexico,  and  before  and  since  Diaz  has  been  the 
most  flagrant  of  government  abuses.  Under  the 
Porfirian  regime  it  also  existed,  but  was  of  a  thor- 
oughly "legitimate"  order.  A  lawyer,  for  instance, 
would  give  a  present  of  twenty  pesos  to  an  em- 

1  Toribio  Esquivel  Obregon,  op  tit.,  page  185. 
253 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

ployee  of  a  department  to  place  papers  in  which  the 
lawyer  was  interested  at  the  top  of  the  pile  of 
matter  which  was  to  come  to  the  minister's  atten- 
tion. This  payment  would  not  be  considered  by 
either  the  clerk  or  the  lawyer  as  any  form  of  graft. 
The  giving  of  commissions  to  purchasing  agents 
and  influential  persons  by  dealers  in  Mexico  was 
common  during  the  Diaz  regime,  and  is  of  course 
to-day  abused  beyond  all  description.  Yet  ef- 
forts to  bribe  high  Mexican  officials  would  almost 
invariably  (under  Diaz)  be  the  source  of  immense 
discomfiture  for  those  who  attempted  it. 

Petty  grafting  by  minor  officials  has  been  com- 
mon in  Mexico  through  her  entire  history.  It  is 
recorded  that  when  the  Mexican  Railway  was  con- 
structed in  the  70's,  labor  was  contracted  from  the 
mayor  of  a  village,  who  was  paid  seventy-five 
centavos  a  day,  per  man.  To  the  men  whom  he 
furnished  he  paid  but  thirty-seven  and  one-half 
centavos  a  day,  pocketing  the  balance,  but  when 
the  workmen  were  informed  of  this  and  were  told 
that  they  could  receive  the  full  pay  by  being  em- 
ployed directly,  they  preferred  to  continue  under 
the  protection  of  their  chief. 

Graft  as  a  perquisite  of  position  is  thus  a  funda- 
mental tenet  of  Mexican  psychology.  The  dis- 
tinction between  opportunity  in  personal  affairs 
and  in  public  office  is,  however,  fairly  sharp.  A 
Mexican  may  be  above  taking  graft  in  private 
business,  but  a  government  position  is  to  him 
distinctly  an  opportunity  for  thievery  from  the 
government  and  from  those  who  deal  with  govern- 

254 


THE  CAULDRON  OF  POLITICS 

ment  and  is  embraced  as  such  and  no  questions 
asked. 

Group  morality,  in  such  cases,  is  distinctly  below 
the  average  of  private  morality,  as  we  have  seen. 
There  is  widespread  graft  in  Mexico  to-day,  but 
chiefly  it  has  to  do  with  government,  and  where  the 
very  lifeblood  of  the  government  is  to-day  poured 
almost  openly  into  the  waiting  cups  of  those  in 
power,  private  morality,  in  business  and  in  in- 
dividual relationships,  is  still  relatively  good.  The 
astonishing  facts  of  Mexican  government  graft 
hardly  enter  into  the  present  discussion,  but  the 
cycle  of  the  past  twelve  years  is  not  without  its 
very  great  significance  on  the  psychological  side. 
Under  General  Diaz,  some  graft  was  paid,  as  has 
been  noted,  but  to-day  the  collection  of  toll  for 
every  act  and  the  extraction  of  commissions,  in 
cash  or  in  kind,  and  with  or  without  the  knowledge 
of  the  payer  and  with  or  without  any  return  to  him, 
absolutely  engulfs  the  country. 

The  peace  of  Obregon  during  the  first  months  of 
his  office — that  peace  which  so  reassured  the  world 
outside — was  bought  at  a  price  of  millions  of  pesos 
paid  in  outright  tribute  to  Villa  and  men  of  his 
type.  The  government  of  Carranza,  before  Obregon, 
existed  solely  on  the  strength  of  his  willingness  to 
let  his  generals  take  what  they  would,  and  the 
padded  pay  rolls  of  the  army  (a  minor  form  of 
graft  even  in  the  time  of  Diaz)  were  the  laughing- 
stock of  the  ever-ready  wits  of  the  Mexican  capital. 
It  was  said,  and  probably  with  truth,  that  Carranza 
fell  because  his  presentation  of  a  civilian  candidate 

255 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

for  president  was  taken  by  his  generals  as  an  indi- 
cation that  he  intended  to  divert  some  of  the  graft 
to  unmilitary  channels. 

The  pity  of  it  all  is  that  perhaps  Carranza — per- 
haps also  Obregon— followed  these  tactics  with  a 
sincere  desire  to  do  the  best  thing  for  their  coun- 
try and  for  their  people.  Steeped  in  immorality, 
with  the  breaking  of  public  faith  the  chief  tenet  of 
the  political  creed,  with  loot  as  the  end  of  nine- 
tenths  of  the  " revolutionary"  outbreaks  which  are 
Mexican  "  politics",  the  whole  panorama  of  Mexican 
group  life  is  marked  with  the  hideous  taint  of  out- 
raged public  trust.  No  wonder  the  cry  goes  up  from 
all  who  look  closely  at  Mexican  questions:  How 
can  we  hope  to  see  a  rebirth  of  personal  morality  in 
a  people  who  for  almost  the  whole  of  one  of  their 
brief  generations  have  seen  in  their  leaders  and  in 
their  natural  teachers  the  most  colossal  outrag- 
ing of  all  the  principles  of  morality  and  race 
advancement? 

The  only  hope  seems  to  be  in  looking  at  the  past, 
and  that  hope  is  still  dun.  Diaz  lifted  his  country 
and  his  people  a  little  way  out  of  a  slough  that  was 
similar,  in  essence,  to  this  present  wallow  of  savage 
passion.  Is  there  another  Diaz,  or  is  there  indeed 
a  newer  era  dawning  when  the  group  can  look  within 
and  to  its  lesser  leaders,  when  Mexico's  cry  through 
all  the  years  shall  be  for  a  principle,  and  not  for  a 
man? 


256 


CHAPTER  XI 

s » • 

MEXICO  AND  THE  WORLD  WITHOUT 

FOR  nearly  all  the  hundred  years  of  their  inde- 
pendence, the  Mexicans  have  regarded  subju- 
gation to  the  United  States  as  their  country's  ulti- 
mate destiny.  Whatever  may  be  our  own  ideas 
about  the  matter,  however  preposterous  the  idea 
may  be  to  many  of  us,  or  however  desirable,  indeed, 
it  may  seem  to  others,  the  fact  remains  that  this 
is  the  unqualified  Mexican  conviction.  They  ground 
it  upon  the  history  of  American  relations  with  their 
country  and  upon  then-  belief  that  the  destiny  of 
the  United  States  itself  is  driving  it,  whether  its 
individual  citizens  will  it  or  not,  toward  such  an  end. 
The  whole  attitude  of  Mexico  and  the  Mexicans 
toward  foreigners  is  colored  and  confused  by  two 
vital  psychological  facts.  One  is  this  group-fear  of 
foreign  intervention,  which  is  at  the  basis  alike  of 
all  the  good  behavior  of  Mexican  governments  and 
of  all  their  bombastic  and  embarrassing  assertions 
of  " national  pride."  The  other  is  the  Mexican's 
individual  appreciation  of  the  personal  qualities  of 
foreigners  and  the  shrewd  realization  that  under 
foreigners  they  and  their  country  have  the  greatest 
opportunity  for  prosperity  and  advancement.  To- 
day the  group-fear  is  uppermost  and  dominates  the 

257 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

individual  attitude;  but  the  friendly  feeling  still 
exists  deep  in  the  Mexican  mind.  This  takes  from 
the  temporary  manifestations  of  the  present  much 
of  their  menace  and  promises  much  good  in  the 
future,  not  only  for  foreigners  but  for  Mexico's  own 
people  as  well. 

The  fear  of  foreign  interference  hi  Mexican  affairs 
goes  through  all  the  country's  history.  The  Mexi- 
can-American war  of  1847-1849,  with  its  loss  to 
Mexico  of  its  fairest  provinces — the  great  empire 
of  Texas,  the  precious  fields  and  mountains  of 
Arizona,  New  Mexico  and  California — has  never 
been  forgotten.  The  smoldering  grudge  over  those 
losses  was  easily  fanned  to  flame  in  the  popular 
mind  by  Carranza's  skillful  anti-American  propa- 
ganda during  the  Great  War  of  1914-19. 

Besides  this  actual  invasion  of  Mexican  terri- 
tory, with  its  tragic  losses  to  Mexico,  the  United 
States  has  been  very  close  to  intervention  in  Mex- 
ican affairs  at  least  four  times  in  the  independent 
history  of  that  country.  The  question  of  claims, 
which  gave  the  Texans,  indeed,  their  first  excuse 
to  comply  with  American  requests  and  on  this 
ground  (among  others)  to  secede  from  Mexico, 
almost  brought  on  a  war  previous  to  that  of  1847. 
The  Treaty  of  Guadalupe  which  ended  the  Mexican- 
American  war  settled  that  moot  point  only  by 
providing  that  the  United  States  should  take  over 
the  payment  of  the  balance  of  the  claims  of  Ameri- 
can citizens  for  border  raids,  Mexico  having  paid 
only  a  tenth  of  the  two  million  dollars  which  the 
claims  commissions  of  1840  had  allowed. 

258 


MEXICO  AND  THE  WORLD  WITHOUT 

Perhaps  as  near  an  approach  to  actual  Ameri- 
can intervention  in  the  private  political  affairs  of 
Mexico  as  ever  failed  to  materialize  came  just  at 
the  close  of  the  American  Civil  War  in  1865. 
When  Lee  surrendered  at  Appomattox,  the  Union 
had  a  trained  army  of  close  to  half  a  million  vet- 
erans, the  greatest  body  of  fighting  men  in  the 
world.  For  two  years  the  French  had  been  sup- 
porting with  money  and  with  an  army  the  puppet 
of  Napoleon  III  in  Mexico,  the  Emperor  Maxi- 
milian. After  the  fall  of  the  Confederacy,  Wash- 
ington, ready  to  consider  the  Mexican  situation,  as 
it  had  not  been  before,  demanded  the  withdrawal 
of  the  French  troops. 

Napoleon  III  retired  his  armies  from  Mexico 
immediately  following  the  collapse  of  the  Con- 
federacy in  the  United  States,  but  Maximilian  con- 
tinued to  rule,  supported  by  some  Mexicans  and  a 
horde  of  mercenaries  and  adventurers.  From 
Texas  a  handful  of  Confederate  soldiers  crossed 
into  Mexico,  vowing  they  would  never  lay  down 
their  arms.  They  offered  their  trained  swords  to 
Maximilian,  and  fought  for  two  years  for  him. 
They  presented  themselves  as  the  vanguard  of 
another  army,  second  only  to  that  of  the  United 
States,  the  army  of  the  Confederacy.  Had  Na- 
poleon chosen  to  allow  Maximilian  more  "  mer- 
cenaries", or  had  the  continuance  of  the  empire 
and  Mexican  civil  war  seemed  possible  with  the 
means  at  Maximilian's  disposal,  the  United  States 
would  have  been  forced  to  throw  its  armies  across 
the  border.  General  Kirby-Smith,  the  great  Con- 

259 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

federate  cavalry  officer,  was  in  Texas  and  Louis- 
iana, ready  to  lead  the  Confederate  hosts  into 
Mexico  and  to  fight  the  American  Civil  War  over 
again  on  Mexican  soil.  Juarez  was  then,  as  Car- 
ranza  was  nearly  fifty  years  later,  the  pet  of  Wash- 
ington, and  the  Mexicans  feared  then  as  now  that 
intervention  meant  annexation.  Napoleon's  with- 
drawal first,  and  Maximilian's  financial  inability 
to  handle  the  Confederate  hosts  which  waited  for 
his  word  saved  Mexico  at  that  tune  from  the  action 
which  the  imperialists  and  the  republicans  feared 
equally. 

The  next  occasion  when  American  intervention 
was  imminent  was  during  Grant's  administration. 
Juarez,  after  his  term  in  the  presidency,  was  dead, 
and  Diaz,  who  now  was  in  the  saddle,  seemed  only 
a  bandit  Indian  chieftain,  with  Mexico  seething 
around  him  in  an  endless  series  of  civil  wars  and 
"  re  volutions"  of  which  the  present  era  is  an  almost 
exact  replica.  American  rights  (chiefly  along  the 
border)  were  being  trampled  upon  in  the  again 
familiar  fashion,  and  the  question  of  intervention 
was  considered  seriously  in  Washington.  The  dis- 
cussion took  in  every  phase  of  the  problem,  includ- 
ing its  difficulties  and  obligations,  with  an  eye  on 
a  people  in  the  United  States  who  were  sick  of 
war,  but  were  led  by  a  cabinet  and  statesmen 
nearly  all  of  whom  had  been  soldiers.  The  result 
was  a  virtual  decision  to  move  forward,  if  that  were 
necessary,  and  the  notes  which  were  forwarded  to 
Diaz  were  backed — and  bore  the  stamp  of  it  in 
their  language — by  this  firm  decision.  Only  Diaz's 

260 


MEXICO  AND  THE  WORLD  WITHOUT 

personal  success  and  the  establishment  of  his  sub- 
stantial government  solved  the  question  without 
outside  interference.  The  documents  relating  to 
this  remarkable  situation  are  hi  the  archives  in 
Washington.  They  show  how  the  very  willingness 
to  proceed  with  intervention  was  then  (as  it  has 
been  ever  since)  the  surest  and  shortest  road  to  the 
avoidance  of  the  need  of  intervention. 

A  few  years  later,  under  President  Hayes,  the 
famous  Evarts  note  to  Diaz,  while  it  probably  did 
not  presage  actual  intervention,  was  couched  in 
terms  which  hinted  at  the  likelihood  that  the 
United  States  would  take  a  hand  in  Mexican  affairs 
if  necessary, — and  the  peace  of  Diaz  was  definitely 
founded  upon  the  dictator's  wise  use  of  this  docu- 
ment as  the  basis  of  his  "  phantom  of  American 
intervention. " 

The  incidents  of  the  Wilson  administration  hi 
Washington  are  more  recent.  The  Pershing  ex- 
pedition into  northern  Mexico  to  capture  Villa 
after  the  raid  on  Columbus,  New  Mexico,  hi  1916, 
merely  verged  on  intervention,  but  the  occupation 
of  Vera  Cruz  in  1914  was  literally  the  first  step  in 
such  an  invasion.  This  move  was  clothed  in  terms 
of  an  attack  on  a  single  man,  President  Huerta, 
but  it  confirmed  to  the  Mexican  mind  once  more 
the  conviction  that  the  United  States  leaned  always 
to  the  idea  of  intervention  and  was  then  restrained 
only  by  fear,  either  of  Mexico's  own  national 
prowess,  or  of  the  international  consequences.  A 
week  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  American  troops 
from  Vera  Cruz  the  talk  of  intervention  was 

261 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

stronger  in  Washington  than  it  had  been  during  the 
occupation,  and  the  actual  move  was  held  off  more 
because  President  Wilson  viewed  all  war  with  hor- 
ror than  because  the  situation  did  not  justify 
action.  The  refusal  then  to  be  willing,  as  Grant 
was  willing,  to  intervene  if  conditions  did  not 
improve  is  apparently  at  the  root  of  the  unrest  and 
the  difficulties  which  have  followed. 

The  Wilson  intervention  policy  was  largely  one 
of  drifting,  carrying  with  it  little  of  the  force  which 
direct  threats  had  had  in  the  earlier  administrations. 
Under  his  predecessors,  an  imminence  of  inter- 
vention had  such  a  profound  psychological  effect  on 
the  Mexicans  as  to  remove,  almost  forthwith,  the 
causes  for  American  action;  under  Wilson  the 
American  government  displayed  a  weakness,  a 
negative  attitude  toward  Mexico,  which  convinced 
the  Mexicans  that  intervention  could  be  avoided 
by  merely  bluffing  it  off.  It  shaped  their  foreign 
policy  indeed,  but  it  shaped  it  away  from  the  old 
system  of  prompt  compliance  and  toward  the 
deliberate  adoption  of  innuendo  and  insult  as  the 
means  of  escape.  It  changed  their  concept  of  the 
United  States  from  that  of  the  mastiff  which  had 
formerly  held  undisputed  sway  into  that  of  an 
equally  massive  canine  whose  teeth — and  insides — 
were  one  or  both  missing. 

In  either  form,  however,  the  idea  of  American 
intervention  has  had  a  profound  psychological  in- 
fluence on  Mexican  diplomacy  and  indeed  on 
Mexican  internal  politics.  The  "  phantom  of  in- 
tervention" was  said,  in  the  time  of  Diaz,  to  be  a 

262 


MEXICO  AND  THE  WORLD  WITHOUT 

figment  of  the  imagination  of  that  ruler.  It  was 
whispered  in  Mexico — and  the  ordinary  Mexicans 
believed  it  to  a  man — that  Diaz  held  his  place 
because  he  bowed  so  willingly  to  American 
ideas  and  at  the  same  time  fostered  throughout 
Mexico  the  idea  that  intervention  was  sure  to  fol- 
low his  overthrow.  To-day  one  hears  this  theory 
everywhere,  when  Diaz  is  discussed,  and  many  of 
his  old  supporters  hold  that  Diaz  himself  so  believed 
in  the  " specter"  that  he  fled  from  his  country  and 
gave  it  over  to  the  Madero  revolution  because  he 
believed  that  if  he  fought  for  his  place,  his  action 
would  inevitably  bring  on  American  invasion  and 
destruction  to  Mexico. 

Indeed,  the  ideas  of  American  "destiny"  and 
predatory  intent  toward  Mexico  were  to  be  found 
throughout  the  circles  of  government  in  those  days, 
just  as  they  are  to-day.  Those  astute  aristocrats 
of  the  Diaz  time  had  figured  out  elaborately,  and 
to  their  own  satisfaction,  the  history  of  "  imperial- 
ism" of  the  United  States.  They  knew  the  why  of 
all  the  expansions  of  their  northern  neighbor  and 
explained  them  all  in  terms  of  predatory  national- 
ism,— which  was  ultimately  to  take  in  Mexico 
along  with  Louisiana,  Oregon,  Texas,  California, 
New  Mexico,  Alaska,  Hawaii,  the  Philippines  and 
Porto  Rico. 

Fifteen  years  ago  there  died  in  Mexico  City  a 
little  old  man,  with  long  black  hair  and  a  white 
mustache  and  imperial.  His  name  was  Ignacio 
Mariscal.  He  was  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
under  President  Diaz.  With  him  perhaps  died  Diaz, 

263 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

for  not  only  had  the  counsel  of  Ignacio  Mariscal 
helped  to  keep  Diaz  close  to  the  source  of  his  power, 
the  simple  peons  who  worshipped  him  and  who 
could  always  see  the  president  and  discuss  with 
him  their  complaints  against  his  predatory  under- 
lings, but  it  had  kept  Diaz  clear,  too,  in  his  vision 
toward  the  outside  world.  Mariscal,  of  pure 
Spanish  descent,  but  for  generations  a  Mexican, 
knew  that  outside  world  as  well  as  he  knew  Mex- 
ico. His  administration  of  the  foreign  office  has 
been  criticized  as  "easy"  on  the  ground  that  he 
merely  "did  what  Washington  told  him  to  do", 
but  it  is  interesting  to  compare  the  facts  and  to 
realize  that  it  was  abroad  and  not  hi  Mexico  that 
Finance  Minister  Limantour  funded  the  old  Mex- 
ican debt,  paid  it  and  floated  Mexican  government 
bonds  on  a  four-per-cent.  basis.  It  was  from 
abroad  that  the  capital  which  developed  Mexico 
into  a  modern  State  poured  in.  And  Mariscal  con- 
trolled Mexico's  foreign  policy.  His  recipe  may 
have  been  simple,  but  it  was  successful. 

The  Mariscal  policy  was  based  primarily  on  this 
same  principle  of  American  intervention.  Mariscal 
may  not  have  believed  that  any  American  govern- 
ment or  any  generation  of  the  American  people 
desired  or  dreamed  of  intervention,  but  he  certainly 
believed  that  the  frank  fear  of  it  and  respect  for  the 
United  States  should  be  and  were  the  bases  of  the 
foreign  policy  of  Mexico.  It  may  well  be  that 
knowing  his  people  as  he  did  he  realized  the 
psychological  effect  of  the  fear  of  that  intervention. 
He  himself  was  not  without  a  firm  belief  in  some 

264 


MEXICO  AND  THE  WORLD  WITHOUT 

phases  of  it,  chiefly  the  American  destiny  which 
Mexicans  feel  will  some  day  bring  their  country 
under  the  shadow  of  the  Stars  and  Strips.  One 
story  of  that  belief  will  suffice. 

On  the  second  of  May,  1898,  Mariscal  was 
walking,  as  he  did  every  morning,  in  the  beautiful 
Alameda  of  Mexico  City.  A  friend,  the  editor  of 
an  American  newspaper  in  Mexico  City,  greeted 
him.  The  news  of  Dewey's  victory  hi  Manila  Bay 
was  on  every  tongue,  and  discussion  was  inevitable. 
Soon  Mariscal  said  very  quietly  that  of  course  the 
United  States  would  annex  the  Philippines.  The 
protest  from  the  American  was  vehement, — most 
Americans  in  Mexico  in  that  tune  were  kept  busy 
disclaiming  the  Mexican  accusations  of  their 
nation's  predatory  designs  on  Cuba. 

"Ah,  yes,"  Mariscal  interrupted  him,  nodding 
his  head  sagely  and  confidently.  "Not  Cuba,  no. 
But  the  Philippines,  yes.  You  shall  see." 

Then  the  smile  faded  and  the  little  black  eyes 
looked  off  down  the  shaded  gravel  path. 

"Yes,  and  we  are  happy  here  in  Mexico  that  it 
has  happened  so,"  he  concluded.  "For  now  your 
country  will  have  its  hands  so  busy  for  many  years 
that  it  will  not  have  time  to  think  of  taking  Mexico." 

The  astute  old  Creole  aristocrat  spoke  sincerely, 
and  the  event  proved  the  truth  of  his  prediction  as 
regards  the  Philippines.  But  he  presented  in  con- 
crete words  on  a  definite  occasion  the  thought  that 
was  then  as  it  is  to  this  day  uppermost  in  the  minds 
of  Mexican  leaders  when  they  think  of  the  United 
States. 

265 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

This  concentration  of  attention  on  the  great 
northern  neighbor  brings  in  another  psychological 
factor  of  Mexican  diplomacy.  This  is  the  Monroe 
Doctrine.  Even  though  they  do  not  like  this  clearly 
enunciated  policy  of  the  American  nation,  Mexican 
governments  from  the  days  of  President  Monroe 
himself  down  to  the  present  have  hidden  themselves 
behind  its  protecting  wings.  For  all  its  distasteful 
qualities,  which  make  its  support  something  of  a 
bitter  pill  to  the  " proud  Latin  States"  of  the  West- 
ern hemisphere,  the  Monroe  Doctrine  has  resulted 
in  making  all  Mexican  diplomacy  hi  Europe  rather 
a  matter  of  gold  braid  than  of  real  work.  Of  late, 
however,  it  has  had  yet  another  facet. 

It  is  to  be  remembered  that  this  cornerstone  of 
American  diplomacy  was  enunciated  originally  as  a 
warning  to  European  powers  that  any  attempt  to 
extend  their  territorial  possessions  at  the  expense 
of  any  sovereign  State  in  the  Western  hemisphere 
would  be  considered  a  threat  against  the  sovereignty 
of  the  United  States.  Its  development  through  vari- 
ous stages  reached,  before  President  Wilson's  time, 
to  what  the  Latin-Americans  have  described  as  the 
assumption  by  the  United  States  of  the  r61e  of 
"  Continental  Policeman."  Under  Carranza  the 
Mexican  conviction  that  the  predatory  ideals  of  the 
United  States  were  demonstrated  in  this  new  Mon- 
roe Doctrine  was  cleverly  disseminated  throughout 
the  Western  world,  and  the  "  Carranza  Doctrine", 
which  held  that  no  foreign  State,  no  matter  what 
its  power,  had  a  right  to  dictate  the  policies  of 
smaller  States,  was  offered  as  a  counteracting  force. 

266 


MEXICO  AND  THE  WORLD  WITHOUT 

During  the  Great  War  Carranza's  propaganda 
was  carried  on,  probably  with  German  money, 
throughout  Latin-America,  and  the  crop  of  anti- 
American  laws  which  followed  everywhere  may  be 
traced  largely  to  it.  The  success  of  Carranza  in 
tweaking  the  eagle's  tail  and  getting  away  with  his 
life,  and  with  official  recognition  from  Washington 
into  the  bargain,  added  to  the  popularity  of  the 
idea  if  not  of  the  name  of  the  "Carranza  Doctrine." 
President  Wilson's  own  enunciation  of  the  coming 
displacement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  with  some 
form  of  " Pan- Americanism"  had  its  influence  as 
well. 

If,  under  Obregon,  that  feeling  of  the  Carranza 
period  has  been  covered  with  greater  tact  and  dis- 
played with  less  bombast,  this  hardly  means  that 
it  had  been  forgotten.  Mexicans  still  point  signifi- 
cantly to  the  fact  that  Cuba  has  not  been  allowed 
to  elect  its  ex-bandits  to  the  presidential  chair;  that 
Haiti  is  forced  to  spend  her  income  for  roads  and 
schools,  despite  her  expressed  wish  to  spend  it  for 
the  personal  aggrandizement  of  her  leaders;  and 
that  Nicaragua  frets  under  the  "tyrranous"  inter- 
vention of  American  marines  when  she  would 
much  prefer  to  be  enjoying  her  erstwhile  revolu- 
tions. 

Whatever  may  be  the  facts  of  the  American  atti- 
tude or  of  the  American  destiny,  for  that  matter, 
the  conviction  remains  in  the  Mexican  mind,  and 
particularly  in  the  Mexican  group-mind,  that  the 
eyes  of  the  " Colossus  of  the  North",  of  the  " Blond 
Octopus",  are  on  their  country.  The  whole  weight 

267 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

of  Mexican  policy  is  directed  toward  the  avoidance 
of  intervention.  Thus  when  the  threat  is  definite 
and  the  danger  presses,  there  is  inevitably  prompt 
compliance  with  the  orders  of  the  "  predatory  police- 
man" of  the  Continent;  the  behavior  of  Maxi- 
milian and  of  Diaz  were  the  instinctive  Mexican 
policy.  When,  on  the  other  hand,  the  threatening 
force  of  the  United  States  is  asleep  or  distracted 
from  the  idea  which  the  Mexicans  regard  as  an 
obsession,  the  activity  of  wily  Latin-Indian  diplo- 
mats is  directed  toward  keeping  that  attention  in 
its  state  of  distraction.  Hence  all  the  endless  round 
of  subterfuges  and  hecklings, — Jove  is  dozing,  and 
if  he  wakes  with  his  attention  on  flies,  he  will  not 
soon  think  of  putting  on  his  armor.  So  the  Mexican 
reasons,  and  hi  such  wise  we  must  watch  his  reason- 
ing, or  we,  too,  will  lose  sight  of  the  main  issue, 
just  as  he  intends  that  we  shall. 

These  are  the  outstanding  manifestations  of  that 
sense  of  inferiority  which  masquerades  under  the 
name  of  Mexican  "national  pride",  proclaiming  it- 
self in  the  childishness  of  its  extreme  sensitiveness 
to  its  position  in  the  eyes  of  its  accepted  superiors. 
Under  Diaz  there  was  a  true  appearance  of  manly 
self-respect  and  willingness  to  meet  the  world  on 
its  own  terms;  since  that  era,  it  has  become  in- 
creasingly impossible  for  any  nation  in  the  world  to 
make  any  diplomatic  representations  to  the  Mexican 
government  without  this  reiterated,  childish  pride 
bobbing  up  in  the  midst  of  all  discussions.  The 
whole  nature  of  the  Mexican  revolutions  which  have 
followed  each  other  since  1910  has  become  more 

268 


MEXICO  AND  THE  WORLD  WITHOUT 

openly  anti-foreign.  That  of  Madero  was  long 
ago  described  by  an  able  Mexican1  as  a  "Boxer" 
uprising  against  the  foreigners.  This  relatively  mild 
upheaval  has  grown,  under  Carranza  and  Obregon 
(directed  by  their  foreign  radical  advisers),  into  an 
openly  hostile  government  system  in  which  the 
properties  and  persons  of  foreigners  are  set  at  the 
mercy  of  the  executives  of  Mexico.  The  hectic 
efforts  to  force  a  "nationalization  of  the  country's 
resources,"  directed  almost  solely  against  foreign 
corporations  and  individuals;  the  prohibitions 
against  foreigners  owning  land,  either  openly  in 
vast  zones  along  the  coasts  and  international  bor- 
ders (where  most  of  the  previous  foreign  develop- 
ment has  taken  place)  or  as  members  of  companies, 
even,  throughout  the  country;  the  constitutional 
provisions  that  any  foreigner  may  be  expelled  from 
the  country  at  the  caprice  of  the  president — all 
these  give  proof  enough  that  the  chief  changes  in 
the  Constitution  of  1917  are  anti-foreign  in  import 
and  in  terms. 

That  this  is  largely  the  result  of  the  psychology 
of  fear  is  illustrated  with  peculiar  force  by  a  con- 
versation between  an  American  and  a  Mexican 
friend.  The  question  of  American  "unfairness" 
toward  Mexico's  national  aims  was  being  discussed, 
when  the  American  asked : 

"What  would  you  do  if  Guatemala  were  making 
such  demands  upon  your  country?" 

"Ah,  Guatemala,"  replied  the  Mexican.     "We 

1  Francisco  Bullies,  "The  Whole  Truth  about  Mexico,"  New 
York,  1916,  pages  103  ei  seq. 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

would  just  turn  about  and  mash  little  Guatemala 
into  the  ground. " 

But  for  the  United  States  he  had  only  impotent 
rage  and  the  retaliation  of  studied  annoyances. 

The  Mexican  attitude  is  patently  that  of  the 
conscious  weakling.  He  resents,  more  than  any- 
thing else,  the  manifestations  of  what  he  deems  a 
sense  of  superiority  in  the  American  and  in  other 
foreigners.  This  is  the  attitude  of  the  Mexican  in 
the  group  to-day,  but  it  has  not  always  been  so. 
Under  Diaz  the  feeling  toward  foreigners  (even 
while  the  fear  of  intervention  was  nurtured)  was 
that  they  should  be  encouraged  to  bring  their  en- 
terprise and  their  capital  into  Mexico  for  the  pur- 
pose of  building  that  firm  basis  of  material  pros- 
perity to  which  Diaz  looked  so  steadily. 

In  that  time,  the  foreigner  was  welcomed,  and  if 
he  received  more  generous  opportunity  than  else- 
where, it  was  considered  vital  to  offer  him  such 
opportunity  in  order  to  bring  him  to  Mexico.  It 
was  recognized  in  that  day  that  such  native  capital 
as  existed  "  results  from  exorbitant  profits  and  not 
from  the  importance  of  capital."1  The  profits  of 
any  investment  in  the  country  were  bound  to  be 
large.  The  idea  of  Diaz  was  to  harness  this  eco- 
nomic condition  to  the  importation  of  the  capital 
Mexico  needed  so  much.  His  policy  doubtless 
looked  forward  to  a  day  when  the  increase  of  money 
available  for  investment  should  bring  about  the 
amelioration  of  the  entire  economic  fault.  And 
actually,  when  he  was  driven  out  of  office  millions 

1  Report  of  the  Mexican  Minister  of  Fomento,  1885,  page  ix. 
270 


MEXICO  AND  THE  WORLD  WITHOUT 

of  foreign  money  were  being  invested  in  public 
service  enterprises  returning  minor  interest,  and  the 
bonds  of  the  Mexican  nation  had  been  changed 
from  questionable  securities  " worth"  some  twenty 
per  cent,  annually  on  the  quotations  to  solid  invest- 
ments netting  the  purchaser  less  than  five  per  cent. 
All  this  had  raised  the  Mexican  high  in  the  estima- 
tion of  the  outside  world,  so  that  there  was  relatively 
little  of  the  patronage  from  foreigners  which  he  so 
much  resented. 

This  spirit  of  patronage  has  returned,  and  with 
it  a  national  feeling  of  spite  and  bitter  hatred  toward 
foreigners  which  is  one  of  the  important  facts  of 
the  present  era.  It  has  already  resulted  in  poisoning 
the  individual  mind  of  the  Mexicans  toward  the 
individual  foreigners  whom  they  once  liked — even 
if  they  also  feared  and  resented,  a  little,  their  suc- 
cess and  abilities.  In  the  industrial  belt,  and  par- 
ticularly in  the  oil  fields,  the  increasing  numbers  of 
new-come  foreigners  has  reduced  the  once  ample 
leaven  of  understanding  foreign  individuals  who 
first  carved  their  way  into  the  Mexican  jungle  and 
into  friendship  with  the  Mexicans.  But  even  there, 
when  there  is  understanding,  and  above  all  where 
there  is  dignity  in  the  attitude  of  the  foreigner,  the 
Mexican  still  responds  with  respect  and  with  friend- 
ship. Outside  the  circles  where  socialistic  and 
radical  propaganda  are  active,  most  of  the  natives 
are  still  friendly  toward  individual  foreigners. 

The  attitude  of  other  days  and  the  potential  atti- 
tude of  to-day  is  that  the  foreigners  bring  to  the 
individual  Mexican  the  opportunity  to  gain  a  better 

271 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

livelihood,  and  a  development  of  the  country  which 
means  his  greater  personal  comfort.  Toward  the 
end  of  the  time  of  Diaz,  the  number  of  Mexican 
laborers  who  went  across  the  American  border  for 
periods  of  work  in  mines,  on  farms  and  on  the  rail- 
ways was  growing,  and  the  news  of  the  good  pay 
and  comfortable  living  was  filtering  back  throughout 
Mexico.  No  American  employer  of  those  days  was 
surprised,  when  he  talked  with  his  peons,  to  find  him- 
self expected  to  answer  many  questions  of  this  sort: 

"When  is  it,  Senor,  that  you  Americans  are  com- 
ing down  to  take  Mexico  and  pay  us  all  three  pesos 
a  day  for  work  like  this,  which  we  now  must  do  for 
fifty  centavos?" 

To-day,  and  without  American  intervention, 
thousands  of  these  peons  are  receiving  such  pay  for 
the  work  they  do  for  foreign  companies,  and  in  the 
oil  fields,  at  least,  a  fair  imitation  of  the  "American 
standard  of  living"  has  become  general.  It  is  doubt- 
ful indeed  if  those  who  plan  an  expulsion  of  foreign 
companies  through  the  nationalization  of  properties 
would  find  an  enthusiastic  welcome  even  at  the 
hands  of  the  thoroughly  unionized  workers  for  for- 
eign companies.  These  workers,  under  the  inspira- 
tion of  radical  agitators,  make  it  a  habit  to  demand 
many  things  which,  if  they  were  sure  their  demands 
would  be  acted  upon  literally,  would  never  be 
heard  of. 

In  the  higher  realms  of  Mexican  life,  where  busi- 
ness questions  are  more  closely  followed  than  by 
laborers  or  radical  agitators  or  government  bureau- 
crats, there  is  still  another  important  attitude.  The 

272 


MEXICO  AND  THE  WORLD  WITHOUT 

utter  dependence  of  Mexico  upon  the  outside  world 
for  her  whole  economic  life  (not  to  mention  the 
vast  export  taxes  on  oil  and  minerals  which  support 
the  government),  is  recognized  by  these  men  just 
as  it  is  recognized  by  the  foreign  tradesmen  who 
deal  with  them.  The  result  is  that  this  great  sub- 
stantial element  hi  Mexico  is  opposed,  definitely,  to 
the  anti-foreign  movement  in  government,  and 
suffers  consciously  from  the  foreign  distrust  of 
Mexico  which  shortens  their  credit  and  increases 
their  business  problems  as  a  result. 

To  placate  this  element  the  Obregon  government 
inaugurated  the  system  of  offering  foreign  trade, 
not  the  rights  which  it  should  seek  through  more 
conventional  laws  than  those  fathered  by  the  Con- 
stitution of  1917,  but  privileges  under  those  laws. 
The  whole  system  of  encouraging  foreign  in  vestment 
and  foreign  trade  at  that  time  was  based  on  the 
stated  willingness  of  the  Mexican  governing  group 
to  wink  at  its  own  laws  and  to  give  foreigners  the 
privilege  of  violating  then-  letter  and  spirit.  This 
was  a  breaking  away  from  the  hard  and  fast  control 
of  business  which  the  radical  laws  provided,  but 
it  had  not  yet  reached  the  era  of  true  welcome  to 
foreign  enterprise, — as  those  who  accepted  the  privi- 
leges learned  to  their  discomfort.  The  government 
still  controlled  the  privilege  and  exacted  a  continu- 
ing  tribute  of  support.1 

1  Cf.  Wallace  Thompson,  "Trading  With  Mexico,"  Dodd,  Mead  & 
Co.,  New  York,  1921.  The  idea  of  privilege  vs.  rights  is  there  de- 
veloped further  than  can  be  done  here.  The  book  discusses  the 
revolutionary  and  business  conditions  in  Mexico  phase  by  phase, 
especially  in  the  light  of  this  principle  of  privilege  vs.  rights. 

273 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

Underneath  all  these  subterfuges,  however,  ex- 
ists a  very  genuine  willingness  to  accept  the  for- 
eigner at  his  own  valuation,  to  work  for  him  or 
with  him  in  full  and  genial  accord.  Even  in  the 
most  heated  period  of  Mexican-American  antag- 
onism, during  the  war  of  1847-1849,  the  mass  of 
the  people  found  the  invading  Americans  thoroughly 
honest  and  decent  folk.  One  of  the  amusing  stories 
told  in  Monterey  is  of  the  scurrying  of  the  native 
population  to  the  hills  when  the  Americans  took 
possession  of  the  town, — and  then1  return  three  days 
later  in  droves,  to  sell  the  soldiers  their  chickens, 
eggs  and  the  native  delicacies  which  they  had 
cooked  for  the  promising  traffic. 

At  the  time  of  the  landing  of  American  troops  hi 
Vera  Cruz  in  1914,  the  Americans  in  Mexico  City 
were  treated  with  extreme  courtesy  by  President 
Heurta.  Many  were  approached  by  their  Mexican 
friends,  who  offered  them  asylum  in  their  own 
homes,  with  the  understanding  that  when  the 
American  army  reached  the  capital,  the  Americans 
should  return  the  protection  hi  kind!  In  fact,  hi 
the  course  of  investigations  made  by  American 
agents  throughout  Mexico  during  the  Great  War, 
the  reports  were  almost  unanimous  in  their  indica- 
tion that  the  Mexicans  would  be  far  from  hostile, 
as  individuals,  to  American  control  of  their  country 
pending  the  pacification  which  even  then  seemed 
hopeless  at  the  hands  of  the  Mexican  rulers  of  that 
day. 

The  Mexican  attitude  toward  foreigners  has, 
indeed,  most  important  psychological  significance, 

274 


MEXICO  AND  THE  WORLD  WITHOUT 

but  it  can  be  summed  up  in  two  phrases:  The 
Mexicans  as  a  group  fear  and  expect  foreign  inter- 
vention and  hate  foreigners  for  the  superiority 
which  that  possibility  indicates;  as  individuals  the 
Mexicans  like  and  appreciate  the  qualities  of 
foreigners,  and  actually  welcome  them  and  their 
development  of  the  country. 

Upon  the  latter  attitude  much  solid  progress  can 
be  built.  Under  the  rule  of  radical  socialists  and 
syndicalists  there  has  been  a  most  unpromising 
strengthening  of  the  group-fear,  and  the  national- 
ization of  the  property  of  foreigners  has  all  but  come 
into  actuality.  That  attitude,  however,  seems 
definitely  to  be  without  a  solid  foundation  in 
individual  Mexican  psychology,  and  so,  we  must 
believe,  is  destined  to  pass  away  completely. 
The  great  friendly  spirit  of  the  Mexican  people  as 
a  whole,  their  willingness  to  be  led  and  to  be 
educated  by  foreigners,  remains.  When  it  is  used 
with  due  respect  for  the  deep  desires  and  traditions 
of  the  Mexican  heart,  this  feeling  can  indeed  be 
counted  upon  to  aid  in  the  working  out  of  the 
regeneration  of  that  unhappy  land. 


275 


CHAPTER  XII 

THINGS  DREAMED   OF 

'T'HE  whole  sweep  from  horizon  to  horizon  of  the 
A  Mexican  sky  is  to-day  overcast  with  clouds, 
and  those  clouds  have  seemed  to  occupy  most  of 
the  pages  of  this  study.  Let  us  seek,  now,  to  reach 
our  way  through  them,  to  brush  them  aside  so  far 
as  we  may,  to  look  on  the  purer  blue,  if  blue  it  be, 
that  is  behind  them. 

The  national  ideals,  the  things  statesmen  strive 
for  and  soldiers  die  for,  and  mothers  nurture  in  the 
minds  of  their  children!  These  are  indeed  the 
heights  of  aspiration,  in  whatever  age  we  live,  what- 
ever language  we  speak,  to  whatever  philosophy 
we  may  pin  our  faith.  Patriotism  is,  to  the  average 
man  the  world  around,  the  first  and  often  the 
greatest  of  the  disinterested  passions,  at  once  the 
fact  and  the  fountainhead  of  national  idealism. 

Whether  we  march  to  the  tunes  of  ancient 
anthems  of  glorious  death  for  king  and  country,  or 
to  the  reckless  rhythms  of  modern  socialism,  patriot- 
ism is  the  name  by  which  we  call  our  passion  and 
the  hope  which  we  summon  to  quiet  our  fears. 

Thus  Mexican  patriotism  is  and  must  be  the 
great,  the  unalloyed  criterion  of  the  nation's 

276 


THINGS  DREAMED  OF 

idealism.  And  so  we  find  it,  for  the  patriotism  of 
Mexico  is  a  patriotism  of  the  soil,  a  love  for  the 
land  itself  which  is  expressed  in  a  devotion  which 
is  truly  and  simply  beautiful.  It  was  this  sort  of 
patriotism  which  made  great  the  life  of  Elizabethan 
England,  and  which  colors  the  life  of  England  to 
this  day.  The  love  of  the  Englishman  for  his 
picturesque  villages,  for  the  rolling  landscape  of  the 
south,  for  the  mountains  of  the  northland,  for  the 
white  cliffs  of  Devon  or  the  sloping  shores  of  Wales, 
— to  this  deep,  inbred  patriotism  is  comparable  the 
love  of  the  Mexican  for  his  "tierra"  This  is  the 
individual  patriotism  of  the  Mexican,  an  individual 
love  for  the  particular  plot  of  ground  where  he  was 
born  or  grew  or  loved.  In  the  last  analysis  this 
catlike  attachment  to  the  soil  is  the  basic  and  per- 
manent form  of  the  patriotism  of  Mexico.  The 
Mexican  soldier  lays  down  his  life  simply  and  gladly, 
indeed,  for  the  defense  of  his  home  village,  even 
if  he  is  not  so  sentimental  about  the  defense  of  his 
whole  country.  And  no  more  beautiful  picture  will 
ever  be  painted  than  the  sight  of  a  peon  woman, 
shrouded  in  her  black  shawl,  trudging  weary,  dusty 
miles  under  the  glaring  sun,  sometimes  for  days  on 
end,  so  that  she  may  give  birth  to  her  child  in  a 
deserted  hut  which  still  marks  her  "tierra",  the 
identical  place  of  her  birth  and  her  growing  years. 

Limited  such  a  patriotism  is,  sentimental  indeed, 
but  because  it  is  firm,  because  it  is  the  one  subject 
hi  all  the  range  of  thought,  almost,  that  a  Mexican 
will  not  ridicule,  the  love  of  the  "tierra"  seems  a 
worthy  beginning  for  the  building  of  a  yet  broader 

277 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

patriotism  of  the  "patria",  or  fatherland.  For  the 
idea  of  the  "tierra"  is  distinctly  narrow  and  narrow- 
ing as  well,  perhaps.  One  Mexican  student  of  his 
own  people  has  written  his  great  indignation  over 
the  fact  that  products  from  Central  Mexico  are 
regarded  as  "foreign",  along  with  English  and 
American  manufactures,  by  the  natives  of  the  dis- 
tant State  of  Yucatan.  These  "minute  father- 
lands" are  regarded  with  scorn  and  apprehension  by 
many  of  the  observers  of  Mexico,  Mexicans  as  well 
as  foreigners.  But  because  in  all  the  shifting  sands 
of  Mexican  psychology,  above  all  in  the  treacherous 
morass  of  Mexican  politics  and  government,  these 
tiny  plots  of  solid  earth,  sowed  deep  with  the  senti- 
ment and  faith  of  the  people,  should  rather  be 
accepted  with  joy  and  enthusiasm  than  feared  as 
an  element  of  disintegration. 

Far  more  dangerous,  and  worthy  of  much  more 
apprehension,  is  the  lack  of  interest  in  and  love  for 
the  traditions,  for  the  history,  for  the  true  achieve- 
ment of  the  Mexican  people.  Mexican  patriotism 
can  hardly  be  expected  to  be  a  patriotism  of  ideas 
and  ideals,  because  of  the  relatively  low  plane  of  the 
mass  of  the  people.  It  can,  indeed,  hardly  be  ex- 
pected to  be  a  patriotism  of  leaders,  for  the  flair 
for  the  leader  of  to-day  is  sure  to  die  down  to- 
morrow and  be  gone  the  day  that  follows.  It  could 
not  safely  be  a  patriotism  of  race,  for  that  would  be 
disintegrating  indeed.  But  it  could  well  be  and 
indeed  some  day  must  be  a  love  and  reverence  for 
the  institutions  of  her  history  and  of  her  highest 
ambitions  in  government,  art  and  taste.  And  this 

278 


THINGS  DREAMED  OF 

it  is  not  yet,  and  cannot  be  imagined  to  be,  by  the 
broadest  stretch  of  faith. 

The  loyalty  to  one's  origins,  the  respect  for  one's 
national  traditions,  the  nurturing  of  the  monuments 
of  stone  and  on  canvas  and  paper,  of  the  great  men 
of  one's  country,  the  wholesome,  unquestioning 
support  of  the  great  movements  and  great  institu- 
tions of  one's  government, — these  are  the  ultimate 
of  patriotism.  And  to  this  Mexico  must  yet  attain, 
as  the  patriotism  of  Elizabethan  England  which 
was  manifested  in  the  love  for  tiny  bits  of  England 
has  grown  to  be  a  love  of  all  England,  a  love  of  the 
institutions  of  Britain,  a  love,  indeed,  of  the  idea 
and  the  institution  that  have  made  the  Dominions 
as  true  a  bit  of  England  as  her  hills  themselves. 
Could  Drake's  sailors  have  dreamed  of  such  an 
England,  of  such  a  patriotism?  No  more  can  the 
Mexican  peon  mother,  trudging  her  way  along  the 
road  to  her  "tierra"  with  hardly  the  ghost  of  a 
thought  to  explain  her  instinct  to  herself — no  more 
can  she — or  we — see  in  her  instinct  the  beginnings 
of  a  patriotism  that  will  perhaps  some  day  be  great 
and  true. 

To-day  Mexico  is  busy  tearing  to  shreds  the  last 
patches  of  the  civilization  which  the  Spaniard  built 
for  her  and  Diaz  crystallized  to  modern  living  for 
her.  To-day  her  revolutionaries  are  casting  away 
the  last  vestiges  of  her  national  strength, — her 
national  entity.  She  has  lost  her  arts  and  her  song, 
and  still  the  holocaust  goes  on.  Perhaps  the  van- 
dals will  destroy  everything  that  is  beautiful  and 
aspiring,  to  the  very  foundations  of  her  towering 

279 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

churches.  But  this  will  remain,  this  first  and  last 
thing,  the  love  of  the  earth  that  bore  them.  And 
upon  that  and  perhaps  upon  that  alone  will  be 
built  at  last  a  Mexico  that  is  worthy  of  the  wonder- 
ful land  which  has  borne  her  sons  and  which  they 
love,  and  worthy  of  the  mighty  heritages  which 
have  come  down  through  all  the  winding  streams  of 
past  history  to  the  morass  that  is  to-day. 

It  is  perhaps  because  of  this  kinship  for  the  soil, 
this  spirit  of  long  loving  of  the  tiny  tierras,  that  the 
so-called  land  question  or  " agrarian  problem"  has 
assumed  such  astonishing  proportions  in  the  Mexi- 
can national  psychology.  It  seems  as  if  indeed  the 
outburst  of  savage  greed  which  revolutionary  doc- 
trines have  so  complicated  as  to  make  the  providing 
of  private  farms  for  all  the  peons  of  Mexico  the 
most  outstanding  of  all  the  national  " ideals"  would 
never  be  quieted  until  it  is  resolved  on  the  basis  of 
its  psychological  pathology.  Twelve  years  of  bloody 
revolutionary  orgy  have  had  their  mainspring  in 
the  assertion  of  the  leaders  that  the  land  must  be 
returned  to  the  Indians  who  originally  owned  it. 
The  battles  of  those  twelve  years  have  been  fought 
by  peon  and  Indian  soldiers  whose  guerdon  has 
been  a  promise  of  land  (and  considerable  loot). 
Alberto  J.  Pani,  a  faithful  follower  of  Carranza 
until  his  decline  and  then  a  follower  of  Obregon, 
decided  that  the  patriotism  of  Mexico  had  two 
deep  roots,  the  most  important  being  the  "owner- 
ship direct  or  indirect  of  the  land."  The  sacond 
root,  race,  tradition,  customs,  language  and  perhaps 
religion  could  not,  he  felt,  replace  the  former,  and 

280 


THINGS  DREAMED  OF 

"until  this  craving  for  land  is  appeased  it  would  be 
immoral  to  educate  the  Indian  so  as  to  bring  home 
to  him  with  greater  force  his  hopeless  condition. 
A  community  which  does  not  suffer  from  poverty 
seeks  culture  spontaneously.  "l 

Certainly  this  revolutionary  doctrine  is  psycho- 
logical, for  it  is  pure  theory,  but  a  theory  upon 
which  has  been  initiated  and  developed  one  of  the 
most  destructive  revolutions  of  history.  Proof 
enough  there  is,  and  from  Mexican  minds  as  well 
as  from  printed  philosophies,  that  older  and  wiser 
students  (even  among  the  progressive  factions)  are 
not  so  sure  that  the  holding  of  unearned  property 
is  the  first  step  in  progress  from  the  savage  plane 
toward  civilization. 

The  history  of  Mexico  itself  contains  an  aston- 
ishing proof  of  the  ineffective  results  which  may 
come  from  too  liberal  a  hand  with  the  ignorant 
members  of  the  group.  For,  strange  as  it  may  seem 
to  the  average  foreign  student,  the  loss  of  the  com- 
munal lands  of  the  Mexican  Indians — the  " wrong" 
for  whose  righting  so  much  blood  has  been  spilled 
in  the  past  decade — came  from  the  very  thing  which 
the  revolution  of  Carranza  so  enthusiastically  advo- 
cated; that  is,  from  land  distribution.  Under 
Juarez,  the  Indian  president  of  Mexico,  the  Laws 
of  Reform  were  enacted,  giving  the  Indian,  along 
with  other  things,  the  right  to  dispose  of  the  com- 
munal lands,  with  the  result  that  he  promptly  did 

1  Cf.  Alberto  J.  Pani,  "Hygiene  in  Mexico,  a  Study  of  Sanitary 
and  Educational  Problems."  Translation  of  Ernest  L.  Gorgoza, 
New  York,  1917. 

281 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

dispose  of  them.  They  were  sold,  in  large  pieces 
and  in  small,  and  the  money  spent.  The  Indians, 
fully  ninety-five  per  cent,  of  whom  were  illiterates, 
were  given  the  property  of  which  Mr.  Pani  speaks, 
and  because  their  minds  were  incapable  of  handling 
the  responsibility,  the  property  was  easily  taken 
from  them  by  those  who,  in  every  land,  can  and 
do  take  advantage  of  weakness  and  ignorance. 
There  is  no  desire  or  need  to  excuse  those  who 
took  the  land;  the  fact  was  a  fact  of  policy,  a  policy 
of  generous  desire  to  help  the  Inolians  and  give 
them  what  they  wanted.  But  like  many  policies  of 
generosity,  it  worked  without  the  slightest  recogni- 
tion of  Indian  ignorance  and  greed,  and  because 
the  control  had  passed  beyond  their  hands,  the 
officers  of  government  could  do  nothing. 

And  now  the  plan  is  to  take,  by  nationalization, 
vast  tracts  of  cultivated  land,  to  "give  back"  to 
the  Indians  the  communes  which  under  the  Laws 
of  Reform  they  were  allowed  to  sell,  and  actually 
did  sell, — to  give  them,  again,  tracts  of  land  in 
their  own  right  to  cultivate  as  they  were  given 
their  communal  lands  half  a  century  ago.  It  is, 
indeed,  simply  the  reductio  ad  dbsurdum  of  the 
socialistic  ideal,  the  carrying  out,  in  actual  fife,  of 
the  humorous  story  of  the  socialist  who,  when 
asked  what  would  happen  after  the  distribution  of 
all  property  equally  had  worked  around,  as  it  in- 
evitably would,  to  a  new  concentration  in  the  hands 
of  the  powerful,  answered,  "Oh,  then  we  would 
have  another  distribution." 

Reduced  to  its  psychological  principle,  this  is 

282 


THINGS  DREAMED  OF 

what  the  Mexican  is  doing  to-day.  And  because 
socialism  is  fashionable  at  the  moment,  he  is  find- 
ing powerful  support  among  the  radical  circles  of 
the  entire  world.  But  that  support  does  not,  un- 
fortunately for  hun,  alter  the  immutable  facts  of 
human  nature. 

The  imagination  of  the  outsider  is  juggled  into 
an  unappraising  endorsement  of  these  pitiful,  child- 
ish plans  for  the  amelioration  of  the  unhappy  con- 
dition of  the  peons.  Before  hun  is  set  the  picture 
of  peonage,  with  its  attendant  evils,  the  misery  and 
poverty  and  debility  that  are  its  accompaniments. 
But  he  misses  one  illuminating  fact  which  Mexicans 
usually  do  not  discuss  and  foreigners  seldom  realize. 
This  is  that  the  actual  origin  of  most  of  the  so- 
called  slavery  is  this  same  ghastly  falsehood  of  re- 
lationship, this  disparity  between  the  facts  of  the 
law  and  the  operation  of  the  law.  Such  slavery, 
such  forced  labor  as  exists,  is  a  result  of  the  psycho- 
logical and  legal  irresponsibility  of  the  peon,  which 
invites  and  seems  to  demand  that  those  who  deal 
with  hun  take  matters  into  their  own  hands.  Under 
the  customs  of  peon  life,  the  worker  borrows 
money — his  advances  run,  sometimes,  into  the  hun- 
dred of  pesos.  To  recover  these  advances  the  em- 
ployer finds  he  has  no  legal  recourse  and  so  takes 
extra-legal  methods,  and  forces  the  peon  to  work  out 
the  debt,  with  the  purchased  connivance  of  the  local 
authorities. 

It  was  literally  possible  in  the  time  of  Diaz,  and 
it  is  probably  easier  to-day,  for  an  Indian,  as  a 
messenger,  to  carry  off  and  sell  a  typewriter  worth 

283 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

two  hundred  and  fifty  pesos,  and  the  defrauded 
tradesman  and  the  Indian's  employer  would  have 
no  civil  recourse  whatever.  But  the  same  peon, 
if  employed  on  an  hacienda,  could  be  held  hi  "  slav- 
ery" for  four  years  to  work  out  a  debt  of  a  third 
the  value  of  the  typewriter.  Thus  the  legal  situation 
in  Mexico,  the  lack  of  harmony  between  the  facts 
of  Mexican  psychology  and  education  and  the 
nature  of  the  laws  with  which  the  land  is  governed 
is  a  continual  invitation,  to  the  peon  on  the  one 
hand  to  employ  all  his  small  wits  in  schemes  to 
defraud  his  employers,  and  for  the  employers  on 
the  other  hand  to  devise  all  means,  legal  and  other- 
wise, to  keep  his  peons  in  debt  and  at  work. 

These  facts  the  Mexicans  know  well,  and  yet 
these  same  ignorant,  unfortunate  Indians  and  peons, 
who  can  neither  read  nor  write,  ostensibly  have  the 
power  to  vote  and  are  ostensibly  the  beneficiaries  of 
all  sorts  of  modern  schemes  of  socialization.  Yet 
in  all  the  history  of  Mexico,  with  all  her  endless 
revolutions  and  all  her  great  upheavals,  there  has 
never  been  an  honest  effort  (by  a  revolutionary 
body)  to  change  the  fundamental,  ill-adapted  laws 
which  are  at  the  root  of  the  national  difficulties. 
Even  Diaz,  with  all  his  wisdom,  did  not  work  ef- 
fectively to  prepare,  by  education,  for  a  democracy 
which  would  replace  the  condition  which  made  his 
untimately  destructive  methods  necessary. 

We  must  admire  Diaz  broadly  for  the  fact  that  he 
met  the  conditions  which  he  found,  faced  them  and 
used  them  for  the  building  of  his  peace  and  progress, 
but  we  cannot  forget  that  when  he  had  done  that 

284 


THINGS  DREAMED  OF 

he  did  not  go  on  to  the  creation  of  that  new  genera- 
tion,— the  generation  that  should  to-day  be  in  the 
saddle  of  Mexican  government  in  place  of  the  puny 
Maderos,  the  pompous  Carranzas  and  the  dema- 
gogic Obregons.  Diaz,  for  all  his  sincere  interest 
and  almost  pitiful  hopes  for  education,  was  not  an 
educator,  and  he  gathered  few  true  educators 
about  him.  The  fault  may  have  been  with  his 
time  and  with  the  methods  which  men  followed  hi 
that  time;  but  the  fault  itself  remains. 

In  his  thirty  years  of  rule  Diaz  saw  nearly  fifteen 
million  Mexican  children  grow  from  infancy  to 
their  early  maturity;  virtually  the  entire  population 
of  the  country  was  renewed  completely  under  his 
rule.  He  saw  them  born,  he  saw  them  die  like  flies 
in  early  infancy;  he  saw  the  winnowed  wheat  of  the 
bitter  physical  survival  grow  into  eager  childhood; 
he  saw  incipient  geniuses  arise,  in  music  and  in 
leadership  of  their  tiny  fellows;  he  saw  some  two 
million  of  these  go  to  his  schools;  he  saw  them 
taught  in  the  loudly  shouted  chorus  of  the  Mexican 
classroom;  he  saw  their  childhood  pass  into  early 
adulthood,  and  the  precious  moment  of  awakening 
pass  and  disappear;  he  saw  the  girls  blossom  to 
women  and  the  boys  grow  to  youth,  with  the  whole 
force  of  their  vital,  mental  and  psychic  energy 
turned  to  sensuality;  he  saw  the  women  fade  to 
ugly  hags,  the  youths  to  dull  and  stupid  manhood, 
their  only  vitality  the  plunging  of  themselves,  and 
in  the  end  their  country,  into  debilitating  excesses. 

Diaz  can  be  forgiven  by  those  of  us  who  watch 
to-day,  but  the  times  cannot  be  forgiven,  and  the 

285 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

long  dull  ignorance  which  has  let  this  ghastly 
wasting  of  childhood  go  on  for  all  the  centuries  and, 
worst  of  all,  continue  into  this  day  of  light  and 
progress, — that  ignorance  cannot  be  forgiven.  Only 
in  this  was  the  terrible  mistake  made,  that  the 
moment  when  the  instincts  of  the  searching  man 
reached  the  transition  stage  of  ripening  was  never 
caught  and  used.  The  Mexican  child,  struggling 
unaided  to  the  highest  summit  of  his  personal  and 
group  consciousness,  the  awakening  to  the  mys- 
teries of  sex,  the  age  of  romance  and  eagerness,  of 
keenest  curiosity  and  most  vivid  imagination,  has 
been  guided,  not  by  wise  teachers  or  parents,  but 
by  the  brute,  unsocial  group  instincts  which  have 
came  up  through  him  and  his  fellows  in  the 
long  heritage  from  the  animal  world.  These  in- 
stincts and  these  alone  have  been  clamped  upon 
the  back  of  each  and  every  Mexican  child  and  have 
crystalized  into  the  traditions  which  make  his  life. 

This  "law  of  transiency",  the  fact  that  the  flitting 
immanence  of  the  awakening  comes  to  every  child 
at  some  certain  moment  and  passes  forever  If  it  is 
not  caught  and  used  to  its  utmost,  takes  heavy  toll 
from  its  neglect  in  Mexico.  That  neglect  has  made 
the  dull,  sodden  history  of  the  past  and  the  terrible 
chaos  of  the  present. 

So  we  find  our  way  back  again  to  the  vital  sub- 
ject of  education,  the  beacon  of  human  progress, 
the  very  essence  of  all  the  hope  and  of  all  the 
failure  of  Mexico.  We  wander  far  afield,  indeed, 
and  many  times  we  lose  our  way,  but  always, 
around  the  rocks,  just  beyond  this  shallow  or  that 

286 


THINGS  DREAMED  OF 

ugly  promontory,  we  glimpse  that  beacon.  It 
stands  in  Mexico  to-day,  its  light  dimmer  than  at 
any  time  in  all  her  modern  history;  but  its  founda- 
tions go  deep  into  the  souls  of  those  twelve  million 
unlettered  and  untrained  natives, — the  "  eighty 
five  per  cent."  of  the  population. 

All  through  Mexican  history,  the  leaders  of  the 
country  have  sought  for  other  channels  than  that 
pointed  by  this  ancient  lighthouse.  Always  the 
national  energy  has  been  directed  to  the  search 
for  the  easier  way,  the  more  spectacular  way,  the 
prouder  way.  And  through  each  succeeding  ex- 
periment the  light  has  burned  dimmer,  the  precious 
moment  of  transciency  has  gathered  new  and  uglier 
heritages.  Education  has  dimmed  and  faded. 

Even  Madero,  who  truly  believed  in  education, 
wrote,  before  he  attained  to  the  presidency,  "We 
do  not  believe  that  the  ignorant  masses  of  the 
population  are  a  hindrance  to  democracy."1  Madero 
blamed  the  evils  of  Mexico  on  militarism  and  the 
innumerable  reflections  of  President  Diaz.  Yet 
the  son  of  Miguel  Lerdo  de  Tejada  (the  friend  of 
Juarez  and  one  of  the  earlier  presidents  of  Mexico) 
wrote  in  1916,  long  after  Madero  was  laid  in  his 
grave: 

The  bitter  conclusion  is  that  the  greatest  single  obstacle 
which  has  prevented  Mexican  realization  of  her  desires  for 
democracy  is  the  lack  of  civilization  and  culture — the  problem 
of  national  education.2 

Francisco  I.  Madero,  "La  Sucesion  Presidencial  en  1910," 
page  135. 

2  Trejo  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  "La  Revolucion  y  el  Nacionalismo," 
Havana,  1916,  page  116. 

287 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

The  questions  of  the  methods  and  means  of 
Mexican  education  need  not  enter  here,  but  there 
is  a  yet  greater  phase  which  does  lie  definitely 
within  the  province  of  this  book.  It  reaches  into 
the  heart  of  the  Mexican  psychology,  and  it  gives  a 
ray  of  hope  to  all  who  believe,  despite  appearances, 
that  there  is  salvation  for  the  Mexicans  from  within 
themselves.  That  phase  is  the  "socialization"  of 
the  Mexicans.1 

In  a  previous  chapter2  there  was  brief  discussion 
of  the  long  climb  of  humanity  up  the  ladder  of 
development  from  beast  self-assertion  and  the  fear 
regime  through  the  higher  planes  of  group  con- 
sciousness, economic  consciousness  and  social  con- 
sciousness. There  it  was  shown  that  in  actuality 
the  Mexican  as  a  class  has  so  far  emerged  to  little 
beyond  the  very  beginnings  of  the  plane  where  the 
compelling  hungers  are  for  wealth  and  power  and 
place.  He  has  not  yet  developed  even  the  hunger 
for  knowledge,  and  the  plane  of  true  ideals  and 
feeling,  the  plane  of  socialized  will  and  the  plane 
of  God-consciousness,  have  hardly  been  dreamed 
of  by  any  but  an  infinitesimal  minority. 

In  the  question  of  education  we  face,  primarily, 
the  problem  of  awakening  in  the  Mexican  mind, 
first  of  all  the  hunger  for  knowledge,  and  then  the 
hungers  which  transcend  knowledge  in  the  scale. 
It  is  the  attainment  of  these  four  higher  planes 

1  The  author  is  again  indebted  to  his  old  master,  Daniel  Moses 
Fisk,  for  the  fundamental  principles  of  this  dynamic  idea  of 
socialization.     They  are  set  forth  in  his  printed  notes  on  "  Socializa- 
tion", Topeka,  1920. 

2  Chapter  rx,  The  Mexican  Crowd,  pages  207  et  seq. 

288 


THINGS  DREAMED  OF 

which  constitute  the  "socialization"  of  the  in- 
dividual in  the  group. 

To  most  of  us,  education  means  merely  the 
awakening  of  the  hunger  for  knowledge  and  the 
satisfying  of  that  hunger  to  a  greater  or  a  lesser 
degree.  From  the  point  of  this  recognition,  we 
pass  usually  without  more  formality  into  the  dis- 
cussion of  systems  of  education  and  the  need  of 
funds. 

But  the  education  which  must  come  to  Mexico 
must  be  planned  on  a  far  broader  scale.  It  must 
include  not  only  letters  and  figures,  the  stocking  of 
the  peon  mind  with  the  ability  to  read  his  ballot 
and  add  his  accounts  with  the  company  store. 
The  problem  has  been  lifted  far  beyond  that  plane 
by  the  vital  necessities  of  the  world  about  him 
and  by  the  very  prostitution  of  the  shibboleths  of 
all  the  great  social  hungers  in  the  mouths  of 
demagogues  and  charlatans.  The  pressure  upon 
Mexico  from  without  is  mightier  than  the  pressure 
upon  any  other  of  the  backward  peoples  of  the 
whole  world.  The  problems  of  Mexico,  of  the 
government,  of  the  business  organization,  of  the 
people  and  of  their  psychology  must  be  settled, 
and  settled  forthwith  and  together.  The  world 
will  not  wait,  and  the  progress  of  humanity  will 
not  wait. 

But  here  light  dawns.  From  the  plane  of  knowl- 
edge-hunger upward  the  social  forces  blossom  to- 
gether and  together  march  upon  their  way.  When, 
in  the  dim  recesses  of  the  animal  mind,  we  awak- 
ened, ages  ago,  to  the  consciousness  of  our  group 

289 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

life,  we  laid  the  beginnings  of  socialization.  Group 
life  such  as  exists  in  Mexico  is  largely  unsocial; 
it  is  a  form  of  selfishness,  of  individualism.  The 
primary  need  of  the  Mexican  social  structure  is  for 
the  realization  of  the  interpendence  of  the  individual 
units  of  the  nation.  This  is  vital  and  imperative, 
and  the  road  to  such  a  realization  must  be  found. 
Materialism  in  Mexico  has  failed,  as  it  had  to  fail, 
because  the  world  men  live  in  is  a  world  of  men 
and  not  a  world  of  things.  A  world  of  pure  knowl- 
edge is  a  force  in  the  Mexican,  yet  with  all  his 
intellect  (on  whatever  social  and  mental  plane  he 
may  live)  he  argues  in  sophistries  and  drives  the 
whole  of  his  great  or  little  psychic  force  to  the 
stimulation  and  the  gratification  of  his  animal 
emotions. 

But  science  and  religion  hold  out  a  promise  of  a 
leap  to  the  true  social  plane,  a  leap  from  the  firm 
ground  of  that  almost  savage  group  life,  of  that 
utterly  animal  sex  life,  into  the  realm  of  social 
consciousness.  That  sex  life  is  the  strongest  ele- 
ment in  the  Mexican  psychology,  and  its  mightiest 
ally  for  social  advancement  is  in  the  fact  that  is 
patent  to  all  who  see, — that  the  Mexican  child 
before  the  age  of  puberty  is  quicker,  more  active, 
keener,  perhaps,  than  the  average  child  of  other 
dark  races.  His  combined  ancestry  serves  him  well 
until,  in  the  moment  of  change  from  childhood  to 
adulthood,  the  whole  force  of  his  life  is  switched 
away  from  mere  living  and  growing  into  the  plane 
where  sex  rules  supreme  in  the  mind  as  well  as  in 
the  body. 

290 


THINGS  DREAMED  OF 

Now  this  change  to  adolescence  is  the  moment,  as 
well,  when  the  child  of  kindlier  heritage  and  calmer 
traditions  awakens  to  his  social  place  and  achieves, 
if  he  achieves  it  at  all,  that  change  of  heart  from 
himself  to  a  higher  plane  which  the  Churches  call 
conversion.  Heretofore  the  educational  system 
of  Mexico,  and  indeed  the  Church  system,  has 
neglected  that  great  moment.  The  crisis  of  educa- 
tion from  the  psychological  viewpoint  is  the  de- 
termining and  the  taking  advantage  of  the  critical 
moment  in  the  mind  when  the  child  is  most  teach- 
able. It  seems  that,  because  this  moment  comes 
years  before  it  comes  to  other  races,  it  has  never 
been  truly  determined  in  the  Mexican  child. 
Because  it  has  not,  both  boys  and  girls  reach  the 
very  peak  of  then-  teachability  and  are  well  on  the 
slip  downward  to  the  animal  plane  to  which  they 
were  born  before  their  teachers  have  begun  the 
process  of  sublimating  those  awakening  forces  to 
the  making  of  the  new  mind  which  education  seeks. 

The  problem  is  tremendous  in  any  case,  but  if, 
in  the  course  of  the  years  to  come,  the  Mexican 
government  or  some  foreign  organization  equipped 
for  the  great  work  will  consent  to  devote  itself  to 
the  study,  not  of  educational  systems,  but  of  the 
Mexican  child,  it  seems  as  if  it  might  be  that  the 
primary  problem  of  the  education  of  Mexico  might 
be  solved.  The  precious  moments  are  being  lost, 
year  after  year  and  in  child  after  child,  so  that 
even  the  pitifully  few  thousands  who  are  edu- 
cated hi  Mexico  get  their  education  too  soon  or  too 
late.  The  lift  over  the  almost  bottomless  pit  of 

291 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 

age-old  degeneracy  of  mind  and  emotion  is  all  but 
beyond  hope,  but  this  one  study  may  mean  the 
removal  of  the  one  handicap  that  will  make  the 
leap  possible. 

Perhaps  in  this  we  ask  for  the  millennium,  and  for 
a  system  of  education  beyond  that  which  prevails 
even  in  our  own  lands.  But  there  are  such  forces, 
such  organizations  as  are  here  suggested,  capable  of 
making  the  great  survey  of  the  Mexican  child  mind, 
of  the  Mexican  physical  cycle,  which  are  the  bases 
of  such  a  regenerate  educational  system.  Such  an 
ideal  is  not  Utopian,  but  extremely  practical;  it 
could  be  carried  through  with  a  competent  staff  in 
two  years,  and  the  new  system  of  education  evolved 
at  least  to  a  testing-out  basis  within  another  year. 
The  difficulty  is  not  with  the  means  but  with  the 
material  itself,  the  Mexican  mind  with  all  its  un- 
expected facets,  all  its  unplumbed  depths. 

The  effort  in  these  pages  has  been  to  show — what 
seems  increasingly  evident — that  we  cannot  classify 
the  Mexican  mind  by  any  criteria  which  we  yet 
know.  And  yet  we  foreigners  have  been  con- 
tinually trying  so  to  classify  it,  and  the  Mexicans 
themselves  are  forever  classifying  everything.  The 
call  seems  to  be  for  a  study  of  the  individual,  in  his 
solitude  and  in  his  group  reactions — for  always  he 
is  an  individual  and  not  a  socialized  unit — and  from 
that  the  creation  of  a  basic  standard,  new  to  us  as 
to  the  Mexicans,  from  which  to  start.  Thus  and 
thus  only  will  we  find  the  way  to  turn  his  blind 
search  for  personal  satisfactions,  animal,  economic 
and  political,into  a  noble  quest  for  the  welfare  of  the 

292 


THINGS  DREAMED  OF 

social  whole  toward  which  Mexico  is  struggling 
with  such  pitiful  results. 

And  when  the  way  is  found — that  way  which 
seems  so  far  distant  to  their  minds  and  to  ours 
to-day — when  that  way  is  found,  there  is  waiting4 
for  the  harness  that  one  deep,  true,  and  beautiful 
emotion,  the  love  of  the  land  they  live  in,  to  be 
turned  into  a  force  of  regeneration  and  of  creation 
for  the  benefit  not  of  Mexico  and  the  Mexicans 
alone,  but  of  the  world  as  well. 


293 


INDEX 


Abstract  thinking,  142. 
Acquisitiveness,  163. 

See  also  Honesty. 
Adolescence,  290,  291. 
Adornment,  love  of,  190. 
Alfonso  Quijano  the  Good,  251. 
Alhambra,  108. 
All  Saints  Day,  84. 
Altruism,  40. 

American.    See  United  States. 
Americanization,  15. 
Americans,   as  employers,   194, 

272. 
Amusements. 

See  Chap.  IV,  75. 
Anger,  152,  157,  158,  181. 
"Anglada,     The     Art     of     the 

Spaniard,"  quoted,  108. 
Anglo-Saxon,  1,  24,  37,  47,  144, 

162,  169,  175,  180,  184,  251. 
attitude  toward  Mexicans, 

42. 

Animal  plane,  207,  208,  211. 
Animals,  cruelty  to,  159,  160. 
Anti-foreignism.  See  Foreigners. 
Apathy,  41,  162,  178,  180,  248. 
Appearance,  valuation  of,  192. 
Appreciation,  love  of,  197. 
Architecture,  105,  107,  109,  132. 
Aristocracy,  225,  230. 

See  also  Patriarchy. 
Aristotle,  quoted,  174. 
Army,  psychology  of,  189. 


Art,  Aztec,  105. 

Mexican  126  et  seq. 

Renaissance  standards,  107, 

108. 

Spanish  conception,  107. 

Artists,  127. 
Athletics,  96  et  seq. 
Attention,  direction  of,  178,  185. 
Aztecs,  civilization  of,  105. 

festivals  of,  78. 

traders,  53. 

B 

Babies,  180. 

Band  Concerts,  68,  92.    , 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  quoted,  78. 

Banditry,  psychology  of,  187. 

Barber,  E.  A.,  quoted,  111. 

Bargaining,  55. 

Baseball,  97. 

Baskets,  115. 

Baxter,  Sylvester,  quoted,  110. 

Bear,  playing  the,  69. 

Beauty,  instinct  for,  168. 

Bells,  pottery,  114. 

Birthdays,  89. 

Blankets,  weaving  of,  118. 

Bolshevism,  215. 

See  also  Radicalism. 
Books,  use  of,  131. 
Booths,  See  Puestos. 
Bowling,  97. 

"Boxer"  rebellion,  227,  269. 
Brownies,  125. 
Buckle,  Henry  T.,  quoted,  29, 48. 


295 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 


Bullbaiting,  90. 
Bullfights,  89,  160. 

amateur,  99. 

Bulnes,  Francisco,  quoted,  269. 
Business,  customs  of,  52  et  seq. 


Caciques,  23,  247. 

Caf6s,  96. 

Calderon  de  la  Barca,    Mme., 

quoted,  124. 

Carbajal,  Francisco,  171. 
Cargadores,  51. 
Carnival  Tuesday,  81. 
Carranza,   Venustiano,    11,    98,   Conservatism,  psychology  of,  33, 

144,  162,  194,  220,  221,  244,  46. 

247,  256,  258,  266,  267,  281.    Conservative  Party,  236,  241. 
Carranza  Doctrine,  266. 
Casinos,  96. 


Clubs,  96. 

Cockfighting,  90,  160. 

Codes  of  law,  13,  47. 

Codex,  105. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  6,  9. 

Columbus,  New  Mexico,  261. 

Communism,  Indian,  9,  11,  40, 

217,  222,  228,  281. 
Compadres,  61  et  seq.,  71,  214. 
Compte,  Emmanuel,  133. 
Concrete  thinking,  138, 142, 143, 

147. 
Confederate  States  of  America, 

259. 


Constitution  of  1857,  241. 

Constitution  of  1917,  33,  221, 

242,  269. 

Cathedral,  decorations  of,  79.        Corpus  Christi,   celebration  of, 
Catholic  Church.     See  Church,  83. 


Castes.  See  Class  Relationships. 


Roman  Catholic. 
Catholic  Party,  245  et  seq.,  248. 
Checks,  bank,  use  of,  58. 
Christmas,  celebration  of,  86. 
Chromos,  59. 

Church  buildings,  108  et  seq. 
Church,  moral  control,  165. 

Protestantism,  39. 

Roman   Catholic,   26,   39, 

49,  79,  165,  172,  224,  239, 

247,  249. 

effect  on  legends,  49. 

holidays,  79  et  seq. 

in  politics,  249. 


Cortez,  Hernando,  53,  76. 
Costumbre,  49,  51. 
Cotton  weaving,  117. 
Courtesy.    See  Politeness. 
Courts,  justice  in,  252. 
Courtship,  70. 
Creoles,  definition  of,  3. 

in  revolution,  3. 

psychology  of,  27,  30,  225. 

See  also  Patriarchy. 
Cricket,  97. 

Crime,  psychology  of,  211. 
"Crowd,  The  Mexican,"  Chap. 

IX,  205. 
Crowds,  166. 


"Religious"  wars,  39. 

Circumstance,  psychological  ac-  Cruelty,  158  et  seq. 

ceptance  of,  134.  Cuernavaca,  pottery  of,  112. 

Class  pride,  191.  Culture,  Latin,  2. 

Class  relationships,  30,  224  et  seq.  of  Mexico,  22. 

Clerks,  57.  See  also  Indian  C.,  Mestizo 

Climate,  influence  of,  29  et  seq.  C.,  Spanish  C. 

296 


INDEX 


"Culture,    Mexican,"    Chap.   V, 

101. 

Cunning,  35. 
Curiosity,  162. 
Custom,  bondage  of,  49,  50. 
"Custom,  Signposts  of,"  Chap. 

Ill,  46. 

D 

Dancing,  85,  93,  124. 

De  la  Barra,  Francisco,  245. 

De  la  Cruz,  Sor  Juana  Inez,  126. 

Deceit.    See  Lying. 

Decision,  134,  176. 

abnormal  types  of,  183. 

normal  types  of,  182. 

Demagogy,  14,  42,  243,  247. 

Desires,  psychological,  186. 

Details,  selection  of,  140. 

Determination,  177. 

See  also  Stubbornness. 

Dia  del  campo,  92. 

Diaz,  Bernal,  quoted,  76. 

Diaz,  Felix,  218. 

Diaz,  Porfirio,  3,  79,  80, 127, 129, 
135,  136,  137,  138,  145,  146, 
167,  172,  208,  236,  237,  238, 
244,  252,  256,  260,  263,  284, 
285,  287. 

Dignity,  191. 

Diplomacy,  144,  162,  262,  268. 

Dolores,  Grito  de.  See  Sixteenth 
of  September. 

Domesticity,  188. 

Dowries,  70. 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  279. 

Drawn  Work,  119. 


Easter,  celebration  of,  81. 
Education,  15,  32,  131,  175,  180, 

284  et  seq.,  288. 
Embroidery,  120. 


"'Emotional'    Mexican,    The," 

Chap.  VII,  150. 
Emotions.    See  Chap.  VII,  150. 

description  of,  151. 

intellect  and,  133. 

Empirical  thinking,  141. 
Employers,  methods  of,  178,  213. 
England,  2,  277. 
English,  patriotism  of,  277,  279. 

psychology  of,  192,  252. 

Environment,  28  et  seq. 
Esquivel    Obregon,    Toribio, 

quoted,  37,  235,  236,  244, 

251,  253. 

Ethics.    See  Church,  morals. 
Evarts,    William    M.,    note   to 

Diaz,  145,  261. 


Fairies,  125. 
Fairs,  Market,  54,  77. 
Family,  organization,  232. 
Family,  Love  of,  156. 
Famine,  30,  200. 
Fatalism,  163,  179. 
Fear,  152,  158  et  seq. 
Feather  Work,  121. 
Federal  system,  240,  247. 
Fencing,  98. 
Ferdinand  VII,  240. 
Festivals,  list  of,  79. 

Aztec,  78. 

psychology  of,  88. 

See  Chap.  VII,  75. 
Feudalism,  9. 

See  also  Patriarchy. 
Fibres,  weaving  of,  116. 
Fidelity  to  master,  34. 
Fisk,  Daniel  Moses,  quoted,  207, 

288. 

Flattery,  198. 
Flowers,  Battle  of,  81. 
Folk-dancing,  124. 


297 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 


Folklore,  125. 

Foreigners.    See  Chap.  XI,  257. 

anti-foreignism,  227,  269. 

attitude  toward  Mexicans, 

136,  194. 

encouragement  of,  270, 273. 

faith  in,  35. 

letters  of  introduction,  66. 

methods  of,  32. 

Mexican   attitude  toward, 

.       257. 

French,    cultural   standards   of, 

130. 

culture  imitated,  33. 

Revolution,  240,  244. 

Funerals,  72. 

G 

Gambling,  91. 

Gamio,  Manuel,  quoted,  16,  175. 

Garcia,  Juan,  Hero  of  Nacosari, 

40. 

Garcia  Calderon,  F.,  quoted,  25. 
Generals,  graft  of,  255. 
Germans,  as  masters,  202. 

in  trade,  57. 

radical  propaganda,  215. 

spy  system,  216. 

Ghosts,  125. 

Giddings,   F.   H.,   quoted,  233, 

234. 

Gold,  perquisite  of  Spain,  106. 
Gonzalez  Cosio,  General,  173. 
Gourds,  enamelled,  115. 
Graft,  253  et  seq. 
Grant,  Madison,  quoted,  45. 
Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  260. 
Group  morality,  210,  255. 
Guanajuato,  pottery  of,  112. 
Guadalajara,  pottery  of,  113. 
Guadalupe  Day,  76,  80,  84  et 


Guatemala,  269. 
Guerrero,  Julio,  quoted,  201. 
Guzman,  Martin  Luis,  quoted, 
147. 


Habit,  173. 

Halfbreeds.    See  Mestizos. 

Halfbreedism,  18,  44. 

Hammocks,  117. 

Hats,  straw,  115. 

Hayes,  Rutherford  B.,  261. 

Henequen,  116,  117. 

Heroism,  40. 

Hidalgo,  Miguel,  84,  240,  243. 

History,  ignorance  of,  49. 

Holidays,  list  of,  79. 

Homogeneity.     See  Like-mind- 

edness. 

Honesty,  164,  212,  252. 
Honor,  sense  of,  38,   164,   195, 

212. 

Horseback  riding,  98. 
Horsemanship,  159. 
Huerta,    Victoriano,    218,    246, 

261,  274. 
Humboldt,    Alexander    von, 

quoted,  23,  24,  127,  135. 
Humor,  167,  169  et  seq. 
Hungers,    Social.       See    Social 

Hungers. 


I.  W.  W.,  218,  219. 

Illiteracy,  241. 

Imagination,  125,  136,  137,  151, 

162. 

Imitation,  32,  107,  138,  238. 
Indifference.    See  Apathy. 
Indianism,  4,  7,  14,  16,  18,  44, 

174,  215,  239. 


Indians,  art  of,  104. 

Guadalupe,  Treaty  of,  258.  business  customs,  54  et  seq. 

298 


INDEX 


Indians,  craftsmen,  107. 

crisis  of,  9. 

culture  of,  5,  6, 16, 101, 105, 

126. 

docility  of,  239. 

history  of,  238. 

"ideals"  of,  11. 

legends  of,  49. 

mechanics,  141. 

Mexicanization  of,  15. 

oppressions  by,  23. 

poets    and    artists,    102, 

126. 
psychology  of,  6,  7,  8,  23, 

34,  46,  134,  177,  186,  206, 

222,  226,  227,  248,  283. 
superstitions  of,  50. 

See  also  Communism. 
Indiophiles,  44. 
Individualism,  25,  251. 
Inhibitions,  177,  185. 
Instincts,  152  et  seq. 
Intellect,    domination    of,    133, 

150. 

Intellectual  dishonesty,  36. 
Intervention,    146,   257  et  seq., 

272. 

Introduction,  letters  of,  66. 
Introductions,  65. 
Iron  Hand,  237,  238. 
Isolation,  psychological,  31. 
Iturbide,  Agustin,  240. 


Jai  Alai,  99. 

James,    William,    quoted,    139, 

148,  152,  182,  184. 
Janvier,  Thomas  A.,  quoted,  125. 
Jealousy,  151,  156. 
Juarez,  Benito,  243,  260,  281. 
"Judases,"  82. 
Justice,  Mexican  conception  of, 

251  et  seq. 


Kidd,  Benjamin,  quoted,  48. 
Kindness,  regarded  as  weakness, 

161. 
Kirby-Smith,  General,  259. 


Labor,  control  of,  228. 

• demands  of,  219. 

organization  of,  216. 

Land,  distribution  of,  222. 

• psychology   of   ownership, 

199. 

Law,  attitude  toward,  251. 
Leadership,  34,   137,  202,  237, 

250. 

Leather,  carved,  120. 
Le  Bon,  Gustave,  quoted,  253. 
Legends,  49. 
Lerdb  de  Tejada,  Trejo,  quoted, 

287. 

Liberty,  conception  of,  190. 
Liberal  Party,  236. 
Libraries,  131. 
License,  190. 
Like-mindedness,  234. 
Limantour,  Jose  Ives,  170,  264. 
Literature,  128. 
Logic,  23,  47,  134. 
Love,  155. 
Love  of  home,  188. 
Lust,  152,  153. 

See  also  Sex. 
Lying,  36  et  seq.,  196. 

M 

MacDougall,    William,    quoted, 

210. 
Madero,  Francisco  I.,  203,  243, 

247,  287. 

Gustavo,  170,  245. 

Maguey,  116. 


299 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 


Mail  order  business,  59. 

Majolica,  110. 

Mariana,  41. 

Maqueo     Castellanos,     quoted, 

188. 

Marcus  Aurelius,  quoted,  180. 
Mariscal,  Ignacio,  263. 
Mastery.   See  Leadership. 
Maximilian,  203,  241,  259. 
Mechanics,  141. 
Melting  Pot,  22. 
Mestizos,  as  a  race,  21. 

culture  of,  22,  31,  103,  104. 

definition  of,  3. 

psychology  of,  14,  30,  43. 

Mexicanization,  15. 
Middle  classes,  193. 
"Mind,  The  Mexican,"  Chap. 

VI,  133. 

Money,  evaluation  of,  198. 
Monroe  Doctrine,  17,  266  et  seq. 
Monterey,  274. 
Moors,  art  of,  108. 
Morelos,  revolution  in,  232. 
Motion  pictures,  95. 
Murray,  John,  quoted,  218. 
Music,  122,  168. 

N 

Nacosari,  Hero  of,  40. 
Nahua  Indians,  238. 
Napoleon  III,  259. 
National  Railways,  holidays  of, 

79. 

schools  of,  32. 

Nationalism,  13. 
Nationalization  of  property,  222, 

269. 

Negroes,  American,  4,  31. 
Nervous  reaction-time,  147. 
New  Year,  celebration  of,  81. 
Newspapers,  131. 
Noche  Buena,  87. 


Oaxaca,  pottery  of,  112. 
Obregon,  Alvaro,  11,  170,  218, 

219,  229,  246,  247,  255,  256, 

267,  273,  285. 
Obregon,  T.  Esquivel.    See  Es- 

quivel  Obregon,  T. 
Obrero  Mundial,  Casa  del,  219, 

220. 

Onomdstico,  89. 
Oratory,  168. 

Organization,  forms  of,  214. 
Orientals,  6,  18. 

See  also  Yellow  World. 
Orizaba,  massacre  of,  238. 


Painting,  127. 

Indian,  105,  106. 

Pan-Americanism,  267. 

Pani,  Albert  J.,  quoted,  280,  281, 

282. 

Passion  Plays,  183. 
Paternalism.   See  Patriarchy. 
Patience,  179. 

See  also  Apathy. 
Patriarchy,  202,  223,  228,  230, 

232. 
Patriotism,  276  et  seq.,  293. 

See  also  Tierra. 
Pelota,  99. 
Peonage,  283. 

See  also  Patriarchy. 
"People    of    Mexico,    The," 

quoted,  22,  30,  51,  153,  155, 

222,  233,  238. 
Pershing  expedition,  261. 
Persia,  43,  108. 
Personalism,  35,  40,   149,  236, 

237,  256. 
Philippines,  265. 
Pinatas,  86. 


300 


INDEX 


"Playtime  in  Mexico,"    Chap. 

IV,  75. 
Plows,  51. 
Poets,  128. 

Politeness,  60,  63  et  seq,  196,  224. 
Political  opposition,  245. 

parties,  236. 

"Politics,    The    Cauldron    of," 

Chap.  X,  235. 
Polo,  97. 
Population,  2,  8. 
Porfiristas,  236. 
Posadas,  86,  124. 
Pottery,  110. 
Poverty,  31. 
Praise,  love  of,  197. 
Prestige,  38,  198. 

See  also  Honor. 
Presupuestos,  141. 
Pride,  191,  193,  268. 
Promenades,  68,  91. 
Property,  psychology  of,  165. 
Protestantism,  39. 
Public  men,  absence  of,  250. 
Puestos,  82,  86,  114. 
Pulque,  78. 
names  of  shops,  172. 

Q 

Quien  sabef  179,  248. 

R 

Race,  21,  28,  186,  226. 

"Race,  The  Streams  of,"  Chap. 

1,1. 
Radicalism,  33,  217  et  seq.,  242, 

272,  275,  282. 

See  also  Bolshevism. 
Railways,  141. 

See  also  National  Railways. 
Reaction-time,  148. 
Reasoning,  types  of,  138  et  seq. 
Rebozos,  118. 


Recreation.  See  Chap.  IV,  75. 
Red  Cross,  American,  194. 
"Reds,"  220. 
Reform,  Laws  of,  79. 
Religion,  38. 

See  also  Church. 
Renaissance,  107 
Responsibility,  sense  of,  180, 226, 

284. 

Restaurants,  96. 
Revolution,  American,  2,  240. 

French,  240,  244. 

Revolutions,  number  of,  243. 
psychology   of,    187,    189, 

210,  218  et  seq.,  281. 
Reyes,  Bernardo,  227. 
Ridicule,  169. 
"Rights  of  Man,"  240. 
Roman  Catholic  Church.     See 

Church,  Roman  Catholic. 
Romances,  69. 

Romero,  Matias,  quoted,  180. 
Roque  Estrada,  quoted,  221. 
Rousseau,  J.  J.,  quoted,  210. 
Russia,  217. 


St.  Anthony  the  Abbott,  cele- 
bration, 88. 

St.  John  the  Baptist,  celebration, 
83. 

SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  celebration, 
83. 

Saints'  days,  personal,  88. 

"SanLunes,"80. 

Schools.  See  Education. 

Schoolmaster,  ridicule  of,  171. 

Secretiveness,  163. 

Self-control,  180. 

Self-realization,  148. 

Sensation,  as  emotion,  152. 

Sensation-impulse,  147. 

Sensitiveness,  195. 


301 


THE  MEXICAN  MIND 


Serapes,  118. 

Sex,  91,  153  et  seq.,  188. 

Shops,  56,  58. 

Shyness,  163. 

Siesta,  57. 

Silk,  119. 

Silver  working,  121. 

Simpatia,  196. 

Sinverguenza,  38. 


"Temperament,  The  Mexican," 

Chap.  II,  21. 
Temper.  See  Anger. 
Tertulias,  92. 
Texas,  247,  258. 
Theaters,  93. 
"Things   Dreamed   of,"    Chap. 

XII,  276. 
Thomas,  Rowland,  quoted,  140. 


Sixteenth  of  September,  84,  235.   Thomas,  W.  I.,  quoted,  76. 


Social  etiquette,  65. 

Social  hungers,  207,  289. 

Social  ladder,  229. 

Socialism,  215,  217  et  seq.,  282. 

Soldiers,  psychology  of,  189. 

Spain,  exhaustion  of,  17. 

Spaniards,  art  of,  107,  126. 

codes  of,  47. 

colonial  methods  of,  9,  10, 

14,  24,  27,  175,  239. 

culture  of,  24, 101, 104, 126, 

279. 

influence  on  Mexican  cul- 
ture, 104. 

psychology  of,  25. 

Specialization,  207,  288. 

Sports,  97  et  seq. 

Sportsmanship,  97,  146. 

Statuettes,  113,  114. 

Stimuli,  summation  of,  139. 

Stoddard,  Lothrop,  quoted,  45. 

Story-tellers,  49. 

Stubbornness,  34,  134,  176. 

Stupidity,  140. 

Superstitions,  50,  125. 

Suspicion,  35. 

Sympathy,  159. 

Syndicalism,  216,  217. 


Talavera  ware,  110. 
Task  system,  178. 
Taxation,  fear  of,  35. 


Tierra,  Love  of,  199,  215,  277, 

279,  280,  293. 
Toledo,  108,  110. 
Tonalan,  pottery  of,  113. 
"Trading  with  Mexico,"  quoted, 

273. 
Traditions,  41, 133, 141, 212,  278. 

adherence  to,  34. 

as  premises,  46. 

codification  of,  13. 

See  also  Chap.  Ill,  46. 
Transiency,  law  of,  286. 

U 

United  States,  17,  22. 

Carranza  and,  144. 

Confederacy  and,  259. 

constitution  of,  240,  241. 

diplomacy,  144  et  seq.,  265 

et  seq. 

destiny  of,  257. 

Indian  reservations  in,  199. 

Juarez  and,  260. 

Maximilian  and,  259. 

Mexican  attitude  toward, 

267,  268. 

Philippines,  265. 

propaganda  against,  258. 

revolution,  2,  240. 

Treaty  of  Guadalupe,  258. 

War  of  1847,  258. 

See  also  Monroe  Doctrine, 

and  Wilson,  Woodrow. 
302 


INDEX 


Valuations.     See    Chap.    VIII, 

176. 

psychological,  43,  147. 

Vera  Cruz,  occupation  of,  261, 

274. 

Vera  Estanol,  Jorge,  221. 
Viceroys.  See  Spaniards,  colonial 

methods  of. 
Vigor,  lack  of,  179. 
Villa,  Francisco,  36,  229,  255. 


Will.    See  Chap.  VIII,  176. 

types  of,  182  et  seq. 

Wilson,  Woodrow,  162,  262,  266. 

Witchcraft,  50. 

Women,  life  of,  67  et  seq. 

Wool,  118. 

Work,  methods  of,  201,  213. 

"World  Without,    Mexico   and 

The,"  Chap.  XI,  257. 
"Worth  While,  What  Is,"  Chap. 

VIII,  176. 
Wrestling,  99. 


W  Y 

Wakes,  73.  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  98. 

Wallas,  Graham,  quoted,  174.       Yellow  World,  17,  18. 
Wants,  psychological.    See  De-  Yucatan,  117,  278. 

sires. 

Weaving,  117.  Z 

"What  Is  Worth  While,"  Chap.   Zarapes,  118. 

VIII,  176. 
Wheelbarrows,  52. 


Zarzuelas,  94. 

Zocalo,  decorations  of,  79. 


White  World,  4,  10,  17,  18,  19,   Zubaran  Capmany,  Rafael,  219, 


102. 


220. 


THE   END 


303 


MOV     9    1922 


